Welcome, friends.


We are friends. We stand on the same front, jointly opposing imperialism and colonialism.


Most of the imperialist countries do not recognize our country.


In reality, they ruled China for over a hundred years, making China very poor, reduced to a state of "poverty and blankness."


Poverty means destitution; blankness means widespread illiteracy.


Now, this situation of ours has begun to change.


In the past, China was nominally an independent country, but in reality it was a semi-colony of imperialism.


We achieved liberation only after decades of struggle—armed struggle alone lasted twenty-two years.


The entire Chinese mainland was basically liberated in 1949, leaving only Taiwan still forcibly occupied by imperialism.


Today, U.S. imperialism has established many military bases in the East—for example, in Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, the Philippines, South Vietnam, Thailand, and Pakistan—posing a great threat to us.


Westerners say we Chinese are no good, that we are a colored race.


They say colored races are simply no good, can accomplish nothing, are unsanitary and unrefined.


Our race seems to be much the same as you Africans.


Westerners also say you are no good, but they will not help you develop industry; even if you develop a little industry, it is all owned by imperialism.


So our positions are the same as yours.


You are now doing very well, having united together.


All of Africa has united and awakened, or is awakening step by step.


You in Africa have a population of over 200 million; if you unite, awaken, and organize, imperialism will fear you.


Imperialism spreads terror; they kill people, or have their running dogs kill people.


In China, they killed us through Chiang Kai-shek.


There may also be such people in your countries, acting on the will of imperialism.


Such people are very few, at most one out of ten, or even fewer.


Thus, among ten people, you can probably unite nine or more.


In reality, imperialism is not to be feared.


Every day imperialism advertises its great power to intimidate us.


In the past, we Chinese once feared U.S. imperialism for a time, feared its running dog Chiang Kai-shek.


Because they killed people, or used various other methods, such as seizing people and locking them up in jails.


In short, they wanted to make us fear them, to crush our fighting spirit.


We Chinese also awakened step by step, and later gradually ceased to be afraid, fighting back against the running dogs of imperialism.


At first we were completely unarmed and did not know how to fight; we learned these methods from them.


You can oppress us, but can we not oppress you?

If one out of ten oppresses the nine of us, can the nine of us unite to drive out that one?

We concluded that we can.


If one oppresses the nine of us, and the nine do not unite to drive him out, that is unreasonable.


As a result, we waged revolution for decades—did we not win in the end?

Our enemy, Chiang Kai-shek, had immense foreign aid, aided by U.S. imperialism.


His arms were very powerful: he had arsenals and weapons delivered by foreigners, such as warships, heavy artillery, tanks, and aircraft.


We had none of these: no heavy artillery, no aircraft, no tanks—only rifles and light artillery.


Where did those things of ours come from?

Not from arsenals, but seized from the enemy, gained through war.


U.S. imperialism, through Chiang Kai-shek, delivered guns and artillery to us, and so we came to have guns and artillery.


Later we also had tanks and heavy artillery, allowing us to fight large-scale battles.


In 1949, we basically liberated the mainland.


At that time, their air force bombed us from above, but it could not frighten us.


Later, it became they who feared us, not we who feared them. Not only did Chiang Kai-shek fear us, but even the Americans came somewhat to fear us, because we united over 90 percent of the people.


People are what matter most, they are primary; weapons are secondary, of lesser importance.


As long as people are united and hold weapons in their hands, imperialists and colonialists will fear us.


Of course, war is not the only method; there are other methods too.


Some of your countries here, friends, did not seize power through war, such as Guinea.


Algeria is still at war today; this war has helped Guinea, and Guinea's friends see it the same way. Because 500,000 French troops are tied down in their country by the Algerian people, France has few soldiers to spare.


Imperialism occupies too many places and meddles too broadly.


As a Chinese saying goes, if you try to press down ten fleas with ten fingers, you will catch none at all.


Because imperialism meddles too broadly, it cannot maintain control.


Now the United States also occupies too many places in the world.


Look—in Asia, Latin America, and Africa, many countries have U.S. military bases; it still wants to control Europe.


These past few days there have been some changes in the international situation.


The South Korean people had no way out and rose up against the U.S. running dog Syngman Rhee.〔2〕


As soon as the South Korean people rose up, cursed and denounced him, and hundreds of thousands demonstrated, Syngman Rhee collapsed.


Syngman Rhee had 75 divisions, while the masses of South Korean people did not have a single gun, yet once they rose up, Syngman Rhee fell.


Of course, the problem is not yet resolved; the Americans are still in South Korea and have chosen a new running dog. The South Korean people’s struggle will continue to develop.


Also in Turkey, the masses have risen against the U.S. running dogs.


So these past few days we have held mass rallies one after another to support the South Korean people and the Turkish people.


The Japanese people are also rising up.


In another two days, Japan will see a massive popular movement; I hear that several hundred thousand or even millions of people will rise up to oppose the military alliance treaty〔4〕 that the Kishi〔3〕 government signed with the United States.


We too will hold mass rallies to support the Japanese masses.


Some of you may say, South Korea, Japan, and Turkey are far from the United States, so the people of these countries do not fear the U.S. and dare to rise against its running dogs.


But please take a look at Cuba.


Where is Cuba?

Very close to the United States, only half an hour away by plane.


The Cuban people originally had no arms at all; Batista〔5〕, the ruler of Cuba, killed as many as 20,000 Cubans over a few years.


You may also say that China is a big country with a large population.


Cuba is anything but a big country, with a population of just over six million, so close to the United States, and Batista had already killed 20,000 people.


But in November 1956, Cuba’s national hero Fidel Castro〔6〕 led 82 people, sailed on a boat from Mexico, and landed in Cuba.


They fought the government army and were defeated; out of 82, only 12 remained, including Fidel Castro and his brother Raúl Castro.


They had no choice but to withdraw into the mountains and start a guerrilla war. They fought for over two years, seized many guns and artillery, even seized tanks, and Batista had to flee.


You see: the Cuban people originally had no arms at all, while the Batista regime was armed to the teeth, supported by a country as large as the United States and so very close—yet once the people united, they drove Batista out.


Has any of you been to Cuba?

If no one has, I suggest you take a trip to Cuba.


Such a small country daring to make revolution right beside the United States—so studying Cuba's experience is very necessary. The Cuban revolution has world significance.


The people of Latin America all welcome Cuba’s people's government.


The anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist struggles in Africa have even greater world significance.


Not just one country, but many countries have revolutions—not just among a few million people, but among tens of millions or more, carrying out revolutionary national liberation struggles.


We have complete sympathy for you, complete support for you.


At the same time, we believe that your struggles support us and help us.


We also believe that the struggle in Cuba helps us, that the struggles all over Latin America help us, and that the struggles in countries like South Korea, Turkey, South Vietnam, and Japan also help us. The entire people of Asia help us.


Of course, the socialist countries help us first and foremost; the Soviet Union helps us.


Beyond the socialist countries, the broad anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist struggles of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America also help us.


This disperses the enemy’s forces, lightening the pressure on us.


Because you help us, we have the duty to support you.


We mutually support and help one another.


At the same time, we also support the big-power conference.〔7〕


The four-power summit will be held in France; this is also one method.


As we in China say, this is called "walking on two legs."


The big-power conference means talking with them at the table—that's one leg; the anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist struggles of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America—that's the other leg.


On two legs you can stand firm, and walking becomes easier.


If you lack one leg, it’s no good—you cannot walk.


We believe you also agree that we should not fight a world war; we are opposed to a world war.


But at the same time, we hold that all peoples oppressed by imperialism have the right to rise up against the oppressors.


To avoid a world war, the peoples of every country must rise up against the oppressors.


I can give some concrete examples: Algeria ties down 500,000 French troops; if a world war breaks out, France will contribute very little force, because it only has that many troops.


When the South Korean people rise up, they tie down U.S. troops stationed in South Korea.


When the Turkish people rise up, they will tie down U.S. troops stationed in Turkey.


If the Japanese people also rise up, they can tie down another part of U.S. forces.


Some people say, to have world peace, you must not oppose imperialism, so as not to displease imperialism; therefore no country should engage in the struggle against imperialism.


I think we should still walk on two legs.


The peoples of various countries rising in resistance against the oppressors—that is one leg, and an important one, perhaps the first leg; meeting together with them at the table for big-power conferences, talking about disarmament, solving the German problem, and so on—that is another leg.


If we walk on two legs, a world war will be hard to start.


If there is only one leg, there is no guarantee that imperialism will not wage a world war.


Imperialism is capable of deception.


Imperialism also has two legs: one leg for deception, and another for oppression.


As for imperialist deception, we, like you, have our doubts.


But why do we still support the big-power conference?

To use it to take a look, so that we can expose the disease in that other leg of theirs.


I agree with the idea just expressed by our Algerian friend: countries like Algeria, and those roughly similar to it, must prepare to wage a long-term struggle.


Having such mental preparation is relatively advantageous.


Difficulties do exist, sometimes very great ones.


As I said, China’s struggle, just in terms of armed struggle, lasted twenty-two years; your struggle has gone on for only six years.


In our revolutionary struggle, we also made several mistakes: for instance, we committed right-leaning opportunist errors twice〔8〕 and "left"-leaning opportunist errors three times〔9〕, which caused great losses to our strength.

Our military forces once numbered 300,000 before the Long March, but due to mistakes, there were later fewer than 30,000 left—less than one-tenth.

The important thing is not to waver in times of difficulty.

Which is stronger, 30,000 men or 300,000 men?

Because they had learned their lesson, the force of fewer than 30,000 men became stronger than the one of 300,000.

Later, our army seized opportunities, and by the time Japan surrendered in 1945, it had grown to one million.

In 1946, the United States and Chiang Kai-shek attacked us. The United States did not intervene directly but used the method of aiding Chiang Kai-shek to support him in fighting us, which once caused us to lose many places and many cities.

Chiang Kai-shek launched an all-out offensive against us, and we adopted a strategy of retreat, destroying the enemy’s effective strength.

In one year, we fought ten campaigns. Although we lost a great deal of territory, the enemy’s military strength was wiped out by more than one hundred divisions, and at that point we began to counterattack.

By 1949, our army had gained the advantage, while Chiang Kai-shek’s army had become inferior, with most of it destroyed by us. We liberated many large cities such as Shenyang, Beiping, Tianjin, Jinan, and Zhengzhou.

Their territory came under our control, and the main force of their army was wiped out by us.

At this time, they sued for peace and sent representatives to Beiping.

We then adopted a method of walking on two legs.

We knew that their peace talks were deceitful, but if we did not negotiate, the common people would not believe us, and it would seem as though Chiang Kai-shek loved peace while we loved war.

Very well, let’s negotiate and let them send representatives!

At this point, they dispatched a delegation that talked with us for three weeks. We said, you must surrender your guns and hand over political power to us.

Their representatives signed the agreement and sent someone back to Nanjing, where the Kuomintang government was located, to request approval.

They said no, they could not surrender their guns, and they could not hand over political power, thus tearing off their mask of "peace."

The very day they refused to sign, the next day we crossed the Yangtze River—this one leg was extended.

The enemy often deceives us, and we must see this clearly.

Sometimes it is necessary to accept negotiations and expose them in the process.

This is how walking on two legs works.

It is not about surrendering to the enemy, but about making the enemy surrender.

For example, now the people of the world want disarmament, and we approve. Let’s see if the United States disarms; if it does, that’s very good; if it doesn’t, it proves that it is deceiving.

We must expose the enemy and use various methods to expose the enemy.

In fact, peace negotiations are also a method of exposing the enemy, and that is how we view it.

We do not believe that Eisenhower[10] truly loves peace. How could imperialists love peace?

What they love is colonialism.

We are delighted to see that so many friends from Africa have broken free from superstitions.

The first superstition is fearing imperialism. You have broken free from this one and are no longer afraid of imperialism.

But I believe that among the 200 million people in Africa, some still fear imperialism and still harbor superstitions or, one might say, illusions about imperialism.

Therefore, you must continue to work among them. Over eight or ten years, more and more people will gradually come forward, and among the 200 million people, 100 million or even over 100 million will stand up, completely break free from superstitions, cease to fear imperialism, and then victory will be assured.

People often harbor many superstitions, and believing in imperialism is one of them. Another is not believing in one’s own strength, feeling that one’s own strength is very small; believing that the Western world is very capable, while we, the yellow, black, and brown races, are no good—this is also a superstition.

How can it be that we are no good?

I believe that whatever white people can do, we can do as well, and we can even do it better than they can.

Because they are very few in number, only a few hundred million.

Furthermore, distinctions must be made among white people: not all of them are bad; only one-tenth are bad, while nine-tenths are good, or they may be temporarily deceived and unaware, but one day they will awaken.

This mainly refers to the proletariat, as well as others who sympathize with the proletariat, such as working people, including peasants.

There are also white people who truly fear nuclear war, and some capitalists fear it too.

The imperialist countries are torn by contradictions among themselves, so we have opportunities to exploit.

They are not so united; the Americans and the British are not so united, nor are the Americans and the West Germans so united, and Adenauer[11] is also at odds with the British.

Thus, working people throughout the world and the patriotic people oppressed by imperialism have many allies.

We have derived one lesson: strategically, we should not fear the enemy.

Imperialism has already been weakened; one, two, or three of its ten fingers have already been cut off.

In the Soviet Union, the tsar is gone, and it has become a Leninist Soviet Union.

China, too, has broken free from imperialist rule.

In addition to these two countries, there are ten other socialist countries, and the imperialist fingers that once held these countries have also been cut off.

What remains are Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Some countries there have already become independent, and some are struggling for independence.

It can be said that the remaining fingers of imperialism have also been wounded.

For example, Cuba, right next to the United States, drove out the American running dogs; Algeria has a large liberated area; Guinea has also become independent; and there are several other independent countries in Africa.

It seems that a great storm is rising in Africa, and a similar storm is brewing in Latin America.

Some say that in recent years, the national independence movement in Asia has been somewhat subdued, yet on July 14, 1958, a revolution occurred in Iraq[12]; in the 1956 Suez Canal War[13], imperialism did not win, and Egypt achieved victory; in recent weeks, the peoples of South Korea and Turkey have risen up, and it seems the Japanese people have great hope as well.

So now, imperialism cannot sleep.

Friends have mentioned that some of our countries have difficulties and worries.

I think we have both reasons for joy and reasons for worry.

I see that imperialism has only worries and cannot see any joy.

Do you think the United States can sleep soundly?

I don’t believe it.

Imperialism is just like a Chinese saying: like fifteen buckets drawing water, seven going up and eight going down—in a state of constant agitation.

So strategically, we have every reason to despise them and firmly believe that the imperialist system is doomed to perish and that the people of the world will stand up.

Tactically, however, we must be cautious; we must carefully study each step, take them seriously, and handle matters conscientiously.

Taken together, this means strategically despise the enemy and tactically take them seriously. Only in this way can we dare to think, speak, and act.

Everyone may wish to look at China’s experience; we welcome this.

Some of these experiences may perhaps serve as reference for you, including the experiences of revolution and the experiences of construction.

But I would like to remind our friends that China has China’s historical conditions, and you have your historical conditions; China’s experiences can only serve as a reference for you.

Let us celebrate our unity. Through unity, we are certain to achieve victory.

Let us celebrate our victory. Let us unite to achieve victory.

Printed and published according to the 1994 edition of Selected Diplomatic Writings of Mao Zedong by the Central Literature Publishing House and World Affairs Press.

Notes
[1] This is Mao Zedong's talk with a delegation of social activists, peace advocates, and trade union, youth, and student representatives from twelve African countries and regions.
[2] Syngman Rhee (1875–1965) served as President of South Korea from August 1948 to April 1960.
[3] Kishi Nobusuke was then Prime Minister of Japan.
[4] Refers to the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States of America. See note 3 on page 93 of this volume.
[5] Batista (1901–1973) was the former President of Cuba. During his rule, he exercised a dictatorship that made Cuba completely subordinate to the United States. On January 1, 1959, his regime was overthrown by an insurgent army led by Fidel Castro.
[6] Fidel Castro, born in 1926, served as Prime Minister of Cuba from 1959.
[7] The Four-Power Conference refers to the meeting of the government heads of the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, and France held in Paris on May 16, 1960, shortly after this talk. The conference aimed to discuss further détente in Europe and ways to resolve major international issues. During the conference, Khrushchev demanded that Eisenhower publicly apologize for the U.S. U-2 high-altitude spy-plane intrusion into Soviet airspace on May 1, 1960. The demand was refused, and Khrushchev withdrew from the conference, leading to its collapse.
[8] Refers to Chen Duxiu's right-opportunist error during the later stage of the First Revolutionary Civil War and Wang Ming's right-opportunist error during the early stage of the War of Resistance Against Japan.
[9] Refers to the "Left" putschist error represented by Qu Qiubai between November 1927 and April 1928, the "Left" adventurist error represented by Li Lisan between June and September 1930, and the "Left" adventurist error represented by Wang Ming between January 1931 and the Zunyi Conference in January 1935.
[10] Dwight D. Eisenhower was then President of the United States.
[11] Konrad Adenauer (1876–1967) was then Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany.
[12] See note 7 on page 24 of this volume.
[13] Refers to the Suez Canal Incident. See note 12 on page 25 of this volume.