Conversation with the Panchen Erdeni [I] and Others
(October 22, 1959)

Your affairs are now easier to handle than in the past. Previously there were obstacles, and matters were difficult to manage; now the obstacles are gone.

There are many people around the Dalai [2] who exert a bad influence on him. Of course, one cannot say the Dalai is progressive; he himself is not that progressive. Some of the statements he has made and some of the things he has done since going abroad are opposed to the motherland. They say that Tibet is not a part of China but an independent kingdom. The second issue is reform; they do not approve of it. You are different from them; you approve of both patriotism and reform.

Our country, besides the Han nationality, has fifty-one minority nationalities [3]; the areas where they live in compact communities are all parts of China. You can see that our country has promise. For instance, large enterprises like the Anshan Iron and Steel Works have already been established, and industry has been developed in every province and region; only Tibet has not yet done so, because at that time Tibet had not carried out reforms. Except for Tibet, the output of iron in every province has increased compared to the period of Kuomintang rule. During the period of Kuomintang rule, the whole country produced only [four] tons of iron, and a large province like Shandong did not produce a single ton. After the reform, Tibet must also develop industry, and it must be run by the Tibetans themselves; there must be Tibetan engineers and technical personnel. Therefore, attention must be paid to training Tibetan scientific and technical cadres. Now, has the training of such cadres already begun?

The principles and methods for reform have all been discussed and agreed upon by you. Do some people feel that the policies might change in the future? Perhaps some people have this idea, and this requires you to do some explaining.

Our policy is long-term cooperation; we will not casually discard those who have cooperated with us in the past. Even regarding the Dalai, we still leave some room for manoeuvre now. He [1] is a member of the Kuomintang, and he [2] is a member of the "Assets Party"; we have cooperated for over ten years and will continue to cooperate, cooperating for a lifetime. Even with some rightists, we still cooperate with them. So you must explain to those who do not believe this. Ultimately, is it advantageous or disadvantageous for us to unite? I believe it is advantageous to unite, advantageous for you, advantageous for us, and advantageous for the people of all nationalities throughout the country.

Most of the people who fled to India are building roads; they may stay in India for a lifetime, or perhaps some will return.

Long ago, Sakyamuni [3] was a prince. He gave up being a prince, left home to become a monk, mingled with the common people, and became a leader of the masses. Do you know about Kumarajiva? He was born in the Western Regions, in the Kingdom of Kucha, during the Later Qin period, and later came to Chang’an, where he lived for twelve years and died in Chang’an. He contributed to the spread of Mahayana Buddhism [4] in China. Did Tibet have the *Diamond Sutra* in the past? The Chinese translation of this sutra was done by Kumarajiva and his disciples. I do not understand Buddhist sutras very well, but there are also distinctions among Buddhist sutras; there are sutras for the upper strata, and there are also sutras for the working people. For example, the *Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch* [Huineng] [1] from the Tang Dynasty is a sutra of the working people.

Are some temples still preserved in Tibet?

When the masses rise up, are you somewhat afraid? It is very good that you are not afraid, because your stand is correct, and the masses support you. You are first patriotic and second in favour of reform, so the masses support you and do not struggle against you. Some of your friends are afraid, and that is understandable; I hope you will do some explaining. The time for democratic reform in Tibet will not be very long; it should be completed in a few more months, right? Afterwards comes socialist transformation, introducing cooperativization. In short, reform is not so terrifying, but there will be some changes. During reform, do not beat people; reasoning must be used. Before the suppression of the rebellion, things were actually very chaotic, with so many rebel bandits; now they have all been eliminated, only a portion remains in the Qamdo area, and this portion will probably be eliminated soon.

In the future, every minority nationality must have military cadres, technical cadres, cultural cadres, and political cadres. Attention must be paid to training these cadres. First are political cadres; you are all political cadres, but it is still necessary to expand the number of cadres in this area.

When Han friends and comrades gradually become familiar with friends and comrades of the minority nationalities, that will be good. For example, when some people first came to Beijing, they did not know exactly how Beijing would treat you? Now it has been ten years; ultimately, have we harmed you or protected you? Now there is a Nationalities Hotel and a Cultural Palace of Nationalities; our capital is the capital of all nationalities.

One rebellion, one suppression of rebellion, and the problem is solved. We rely on you to handle affairs; we trust you. I heard that some of you are going to visit various places? You have not been to various places for four years already; it is good to go and have a look. China is a vast place, and conditions are not entirely the same; you can refer to the experiences of various places.

[1] Panchen Erdeni, namely Panchen Erdeni Chokyi Gyaltsen, then serving as Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress and Acting Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region.
[2] Dalai, namely Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso, who fled to India in March 1959 when the reactionary clique of the Tibetan upper strata launched an armed rebellion.
[3] The number of minority nationalities later confirmed was 55.
[1] Refers to Cheng Qian (1882-1968), from Liling, Hunan. Former elder statesman and senior general of the Kuomintang. Then serving as Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress and Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang.
[2] Refers to Chen Shutong, then serving as Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress and Chairman of the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce.
[3] Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism.
[4] Mahayana Buddhism, one of the sects of Buddhism.
[1] Huineng (638-713), an eminent monk of the Tang Dynasty, founder of the Southern School of Chan Buddhism, revered as the Sixth Patriarch of Chan. Legend has it that he was originally an illiterate woodcutter.