We have two problems that have not been resolved, the Tibet problem and the Taiwan problem.
We are now beginning to resolve the Tibet problem.
The area of Tibet is not small, one million two hundred thousand square kilometers, equivalent to twelve Democratic Germanys.
But the population of the Tibet region is only one million two hundred thousand.
Some people ask why the Communist Party of China has not resolved the Tibet problem for so long. This is mainly because our Party had very little contact with the Tibetan nationality in the past; we intentionally postponed the social reform of Tibet.
The verbal agreement we reached with the Dalai Lama [2] in the past was to carry out democratic reform in Tibet only after 1962.
If it were too early, the conditions would not be ripe, and this is also related to Tibet's serfdom.
The laboring masses of Tibet constitute ninety-five percent, and the exploiters constitute five percent, which is to say that sixty thousand people are exploiters.
We want to divide them, to win over a portion.
Now the conditions are ripe; there is no need to wait until 1963.
For this, we must thank Nehru [3] and the Tibetan rebels.
Their armed rebellion has provided us with the reason to carry out reforms in Tibet right now.
The rebels took up guns to fight us, and in this way, it can be clearly seen who among them is on our side and who is engaged in rebellion.
The entire Tibetan population is not one million two hundred thousand, but three million.
One million two hundred thousand are in Tibet, and one million eight hundred thousand are distributed in western Sichuan, southern Gansu, Yunnan, and northern Qinghai.
Among this one million eight hundred thousand, there have also been rebellions. We carried out the suppression of the rebellion, and now the problem has basically been resolved.
Foreigners armed the reactionary Tibetan rulers, and many lama temples were once bases for the rebels.
Now, in the regions where these one million eight hundred thousand Tibetans are concentrated, Party organizations have been established, land reform has been carried out, the serfs have been liberated, and agricultural producers' cooperatives have been established.
In the past, lamas did not participate in production; now ninety percent of the lamas participate in production.
The people have organized armed self-defense teams.
Now the Tibet problem is easy to resolve. The first step is the democratic revolution, to distribute the land of the serf owners to the serfs. The second step is to organize cooperatives.
Among the sixty thousand serf owners, about ten thousand have fled to India. The rest who did not leave can be divided into left, center, and right factions, and we will treat them differently according to their different political attitudes.
For some people, we still need to see how they will turn out; we can observe them in the struggle.
In short, we want to win over the majority, to make them approve of the reform.
We have established Party organizations in the rural areas and cities of Tibet.
The Tibetan people are very good, very hardworking. Fighting alongside the People's Liberation Army against the rebels, they can be organized very quickly.
We have already trained nearly ten thousand Tibetan cadres.
In the past ten years, we have trained young Tibetan cadres, and they have learned the Han language.
The Han cadres working in Tibet have also learned the Tibetan language.
In Tibet, Marxists and laborers can cooperate, and cooperate very well.


Now let's talk about the Taiwan problem.


The Taiwan problem cannot be resolved for the time being; the problem is that the United States is occupying it.
The people of Taiwan dislike the Americans very much, and they also dislike Jiang Jieshi.
But is it better to have Jiang Jieshi, or is it better not to have him? Right now, it is better to have him. He is of the pro-American faction, but he still wants to rule himself.
Another group of people are also of the pro-American faction, but they want to surrender completely to the United States.
A specific problem now is whether Jiang Jieshi will still be president next year.
The United States does not want him to be, but we believe he should be.
He wants to have his own army.
You know, on May 24, 1957, the people of Taiwan smashed the American "embassy" [4].
The Americans suspect that it was done by Jiang Jieshi's son, Jiang Jingguo. They believe Jiang Jingguo cannot be trusted because he went to the Soviet Union and lived there for more than ten years and married a Soviet wife.
Last year when we shelled Jinmen [5], there were no American troops there, only an American working group of a dozen or so people.
This place has no treaty relationship with the United States, whereas Taiwan does have a treaty relationship with the United States [6].
Our shelling of Jinmen is a civil war issue.
Dulles's [7] policy is to tell both us and Jiang Jieshi not to fight.
We said, you can't control this. This is our Chinese territory. Whether we fight or not is our business, you should not meddle; we and you, the United States, have a relationship on only one point, which is to demand that you withdraw your troops from Taiwan.
It is precisely for this reason that we are negotiating with the United States in Geneva and Warsaw [8].
The United States wants to sign a declaration, wanting Jiang Jieshi not to fight us, and wanting us not to fight Jiang Jieshi either.
We said no, you can't control this. The only issue, the issue of Jinmen, Mazu, Taiwan, and Penghu [9], is our internal affair. We just ask you to move out.
It seems we still have to continue talking with the United States.
It does not approve of us, and we do not approve of it. We do not know how long the talks will go on.
We have already talked for three and a half years, and I'm afraid we will talk for another ten years. This is the longest negotiation in the world.
You should not be afraid that we will attack Taiwan.
We attack Jinmen and Mazu to help Jiang Jieshi, because the United States wants to give Jinmen and Mazu to us and occupy Taiwan itself.
We give up Jinmen and Mazu, give them all to Jiang Jieshi.
As soon as Jiang Jieshi is in difficulty, we shell Jinmen and Mazu, and the United States can then let Jiang Jieshi continue to be president.
The United States has a "brinkmanship policy" [10], which was mainly devised for the Taiwan problem.
Last year, we also adopted a "brinkmanship policy."
We shelled Jinmen, Mazu, and Jiang Jieshi's reinforcement ships, so Jiang Jieshi asked the United States for help.
The Americans came, but only beyond twelve nautical miles.
We only shelled Jiang Jieshi's ships, not American ships.
The American ships raised their national flag, telling us not to hit them.
The United States did not fire a single shot at us, and we did not fire at it.
So everyone is on the brink of war.
The U.S. Air Force is very well-behaved; it always maintains a certain distance from our coast.
One time we shot down an American plane because it crossed the border, but the United States said nothing, did not ask us for compensation.
The United States is a strong country, but the areas it occupies are too wide. Its ten fingers are pressing down on ten fleas and cannot move; it cannot even catch a single flea.
Once its strength is dispersed, things become difficult to handle.