(December 9, 1958)
The Sixth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, December 1958

First question: The emergence of the people's communes.

Second question: The issue of protecting the labor enthusiasm.

For over 90% of cadres who make mistakes, patiently persuade them and do not give them punishments. It is enough to ask them to make some self-criticism.

For cadres who seriously violate laws and discipline, 1% ~ 2% ~ 3% ~ 4% ~ 5%, then different punishments should be given according to the severity.

The same applies to false reporting. Over 90%, persuade them. 1% ~ 2% ~ 3%, punish them separately.

In short, if there are very few punishments and a great deal of education, the labor enthusiasm of the broad masses of cadres can be protected.

The same applies to the masses as to the cadres.

Third question: The issue of the slogan "Three years of hard struggle to fundamentally change the face of the whole country."

Is this slogan appropriate? Can it fundamentally change the face of the whole country?

Wouldn't "Three years of hard struggle to fundamentally change the face of the countryside" be better? At the Nanning Conference, it was originally decided this way. When did it get extended to "the whole country"? It was not done after serious analysis and collective decision.

Is it possible to produce 30 million to 40 million tons of steel in three years? Can this be considered "fundamentally changing the face of the whole country"?

By 1962, 50 million to 60 million tons of steel, calling it a fundamental change in the face of the whole country, wouldn't that be better, wouldn't that be more realistic? This matter is worth discussing.

If we propose it this way, fundamentally changing it in five years, and thoroughly changing it in ten to fifteen years, that is, surpassing Britain is called fundamentally changing, and surpassing the United States is called thoroughly changing, wouldn't it be better if we internally consider it this way and not publish it in the newspapers?

If we propose fundamentally changing it in five years, and the result is fundamentally changing it in three or four years, what harm is there?

Learn from Zeng Xisheng's "opportunism":

800 million ~ 1.6 billion ~ 3.2 billion ~ 6.4 billion cubic meters of earthwork, what's wrong with that?

I think Marx appreciated this kind of "opportunism."

IV

Fourth question: The issue of intra-Party disputes.

Hundreds of thousands of cadres were a little impatient and did not make historical, overall, and internationalist analyses.

The soaring drive and revolutionary enthusiasm are extremely valuable.

Their shortcomings can be largely resolved in practice, in the debates of comrades, and in a few months.

There may be tens of thousands of cadres who are worried and suggest, for the sake of being responsible to the cause of communism,

[I]
Zeng Xisheng, then served as the First Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee of the Communist Party of China. Mao Zedong said in his speech:
In Anhui's water conservancy work last winter and this spring, the initial plan was to do 800 million cubic meters of earthwork. Zeng Xisheng proposed to double it, turning it into 1.6 billion.
800 million is "opportunism," 1.6 billion is Marxism. But in a few days, it was raised to 3.2 billion, and 1.6 billion became a bit "opportunistic." Finally, it reached 6.4 billion. We are simply being "opportunists" by saying that it will take longer to change the face of the whole country. I am willing to be such an opportunist, and it tastes good. Marx would appreciate this kind of "opportunism" and would not punish us.

Isn't it more prudent to wait a year or two to draw conclusions on some issues, rather than being too hasty? These comrades are not tide-watching factions or bean-counting factions; they are good people, but they just don't understand the urgent demands of the current situation, and the issues have already matured. The domestic and international situations are very urgently demanding answers to many questions. If we don't answer, how can we deal with a pile of confused thoughts spreading out?

Is it okay to make such a two-sided analysis?

Fifth question: Studying political [economic] science.

Study Stalin's (he was the first person to study this issue, although he had many shortcomings and mistakes) Socialist Political Economy, the Soviet Union's first, second, and third editions of the Political Economy textbook, and Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin's writings on communist society.

At present, studying this issue has great theoretical and practical significance.

Fifth [Sixth] question: Studying dialectics.

Marxism's theory of the unity of opposites has had a great development in our country in 1958.

The idea of simultaneously developing industry and agriculture, and simultaneously developing heavy industry and light industry, under the condition of prioritizing the development of heavy industry, has been established.

The idea of simultaneously developing central industry and local industry has been established.

The idea of unified leadership by the central government and graded management by local levels (down to the production teams of the communes) has been established.

Large foreign groups, medium foreign groups, small local groups, and groups combining foreign and local methods—in short, the idea of the unity of opposites between large and small and medium-sized enterprises, and the unity of opposites between foreign and local methods, has been established.

In agriculture, the simultaneous existence of high-yield, medium-yield, and low-yield crops, the three-thirds system of cultivation, and the idea of the Eight-Character Charter with deep plowing as the center (water, fertilizer, soil, seeds, close planting, protection, tools, and management) have been established.

Within the first stage of communism, the socialist era, the simultaneous existence of two forms of ownership, the unity of opposites, the collective ownership containing elements of socialist ownership by the whole people, and also containing elements of communist ownership by the whole people—these ideas have been put forward.

The idea of large collectives and small freedoms has been put forward.

The idea of grasping both production and life has been put forward.

In Wuchang, the idea of formulating the 1959 economic plan "seeking truth from facts," being both hot and cold, combining ambition with scientific analysis, avoiding the possibly Sun Wukong-like danger of 30 million tons of steel that lacked a realistic basis due to the Great Leap Forward of 1958, compressing our minds a bit, and leaving room for maneuver, was put forward. If it is possible in 1959, let the practice of the masses exceed this plan!

In connection with the necessity of internationalist solidarity of the socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union and the proletariat of the entire world, the issue of ensuring that the Soviet Union enters communist society first, while we must enter later, was raised. In terms of possibility, we may only be able to enter later and not be able to enter first. Designing it this way avoids a mistake that violates internationalism, benefits imperialism, and is detrimental to communism. Is it a mistake? Possibly.

Seventh question: The Fifteen-Year Program,

The question of whether it is currently possible to create it.

We can discuss it once a year, and it may be possible to formulate it in 1959 and 1960, or even adding 1961, for a total of three years.

Because we lack a basis for both the possibility and the need.

What is the basis for 400 million tons of steel in 10 years? It is likely that a long-term plan can be made around 1962, for example, 10 years.

Eighth question:

The military in 1958 had a great development, a great rectification, army commanders serving as soldiers, participating in production, and vigorously developing militia divisions. These are several major events.

Ninth question:

In 1958, the education system was reformed, and the combination of education and labor was implemented. This is a major event.

Tenth question: Let's talk about two possibilities:

Public canteens, nurseries, and people's communes—both the possibility of consolidation and the possibility of collapse exist.

Collapse is partial and temporary.

Both the consolidation and the split of the Party are possible. Small splits are inevitable and occur almost every day; without them, there can be no development. Large splits are also possible. Large and medium splits are both temporary.

The People's Republic, either victory or destruction. If destruction occurs, it is only temporary, while the destruction of the bourgeoisie in the world is permanent.

Individuals must be prepared for the possibility of destruction at any time.

"A thousand sails pass by the sunken boat,

Ten thousand trees bloom before the sick tree."

Eleventh question: Resigning from the position of Chairman of the Republic:

A formal resolution must be made.

Everyone should be asked to immediately conduct a propaganda campaign via telephone conference within three days.

It is for active struggle, not desertion.

Many people in the masses may not agree; this must be anticipated. If the propaganda work is not done well, we may be put in a passive position and make mistakes.

Eleventh [Twelfth] question:

The international situation in 1958 has had a great development. Rotting down, getting better, after a long and tortuous process, estimate the possibility of war.

(End)

It is extremely beneficial for the Central Committee to hold a meeting in Wuchang, away from the capital.

[1]
Refers to the "Decision on Agreeing to Comrade Mao Zedong's Proposal that He Not Be a Candidate for Chairman of the People's Republic of China in the Next Term," which the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China is about to make.

(1) Achievements are the main thing and should not be underestimated.

(2) The issue of entering ownership by the whole people in three or four years, five or six years, or a little more time, that is, entering in approximately two five-year plan periods, with some entering in the second five-year plan and most entering in the second [third] five-year plan.

(3) Do not rush to announce the elimination of classes.

The issue of eliminating exploitation and eliminating classes (the landlords, bourgeoisie, and petty bourgeoisie still exist ideologically and politically).

The danger of the petty bourgeoisie's狂热emotions.

The combination of revolutionary enthusiasm and practical spirit.

(4) The combination of the whole country as one chessboard and local initiative. There are contradictions, which should be resolved according to the principle of the whole country as one chessboard.

(5) 5.7 billion ~ 6.7 billion in imports and exports, an increase of 20% over last year.

Foreign trade policy: Self-reliance as the main thing, striving for foreign aid as the main [auxiliary] thing, equality and mutual benefit, exchanging what one has for what one lacks, and helping nationalist countries establish independent economies.

Foreign trade can only play an auxiliary role; it mainly relies on the domestic market.

Import and export volume of 7 billion ~ 8 billion yuan in 1959.

(6) Conditions are conducive to right-leaning tendencies.

There is no third stage.

Look at the Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party.

(7) The United States and the South are scolding: the Great Leap Forward; the people's communes; the East Wind prevails.

It is permissible to draw 15% of the labor force from agriculture (5 million out of 30 million laborers in Sichuan).

Hold another meeting in February next year.

Speech at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee

(December 9, 1958)

I will offer some opinions, not conclusions. The resolution is the conclusion of this meeting.

1. The emergence of the people's communes was something that the Chengdu Conference in April and the Party Congress in May did not anticipate. In fact, they had already appeared in Henan in April, but we didn't know about it in May, June, or July, and only discovered it in August. The Beidaihe Conference made a resolution on it. This is a major event. We have found a form for building socialism that facilitates the transition from collective ownership to ownership by the whole people, and also facilitates the transition from socialist ownership by the whole people to communist ownership by the whole people. It is convenient for workers, peasants, merchants, students, and soldiers. It is large in scale, with many people, and it is convenient for doing many things. We once said that we should prepare for inauspicious events, the biggest of which would be war and the split of the Party. But there were also some good things that we did not anticipate. For example, we did not anticipate the people's communes in April, and only made a resolution on them in August. In four months, we built the framework across the country, and now we are rectifying the organization.

2. The issue of protecting labor enthusiasm. The main problems of cadres who make mistakes are coercion and commandism, telling lies, reporting less as more, and reporting more as less. Reporting more as less is not very dangerous, but reporting less as more is very dangerous. Reporting 50 kilograms as 100 kilograms is dangerous. The main problem is not caring about the people's lives, only paying attention to production. How should we handle this? Those who make mistakes are a minority among the cadres. For those who make mistakes, we should adopt the method of patient persuasion for over 90% of them, once, twice... without giving them punishment. It is enough for them to make self-criticism. Let everyone discuss it. We cannot take my opinion alone as the conclusion. For cadres who seriously violate laws and discipline and are divorced from the masses, they account for about 1%, 2%, 3%, 4%, or 5% of the cadres at the county, district, and township levels. The situation varies from place to place, and distinctions should be made. These people should be punished because they are divorced from the masses, and the masses do not like them very much. If we do not adopt the policy of not punishing over 90% of the cadres who make mistakes, we cannot protect the cadres. It will dampen the enthusiasm of the cadres and also dampen the enthusiasm of the workers. If we do not give different punishments, light or heavy, to a portion of people who seriously violate laws and discipline, after debate and distinguishing the circumstances, it will also dampen the enthusiasm of the masses. Some particularly serious cases should be handled criminally. In short, there must be analysis. Some of them are class alien elements, and some are not class alien elements, but those with bad circumstances, such as beating people, scolding people, detaining people, and tying people up, should be punished. Hubei has already removed a first secretary of a county Party committee who did not fight the drought when the drought was serious, but falsely reported on the drought resistance. In short, there should be very few punishments and a great deal of education. This is how we can protect the enthusiasm of the cadres, and thus protect the enthusiasm of the workers. The same policy applies to those who make mistakes among the masses.

3. The issue of fundamentally changing the face of the whole country through three years of hard struggle. Is this slogan appropriate? Can it be done in three years? This slogan was first put forward by the comrades in Henan. We adopted this slogan at the Nanning Conference, but at that time it was referring to the countryside. Later, I don't know which day, it was extended to "fundamentally changing the face of the whole country through three years of hard struggle." Zeng Xisheng wanted to persuade me and took out three maps of river networkization, saying that the countryside could be fundamentally changed. The countryside may be able to do it, but as for the whole country, I think we still need to consider it. Within three years, we can probably produce 30 million to 40 million tons of steel. Can we say that we have fundamentally changed the face of a country with 650 million people by producing 30 million to 40 million tons of steel? I think this standard is set a bit low. Otherwise, there will be nothing to change in the future. What will we call it when we have 50 million, 60 million, 100 million, or 200 million tons? I think the big changes are yet to come! Therefore, we cannot say that we have fundamentally changed the face of the whole country within three years. By 1962, we will probably have 50 million to 60 million tons of steel. At that time, we may say that we have fundamentally changed the face of the whole country. At that time, we will have the level of Britain and the United States today. Should we still not say that we have fundamentally changed it by then? Because the face of a country with more than 600 million people is changing so quickly, is the makeup all done? What is the best way to say it? It is worth discussing, because the newspapers are already promoting it heavily. Or we can propose fundamentally changing it in five years and thoroughly changing it in ten to fifteen years. What is the best way? Please consider it, comrades. Or we can say that surpassing Britain is called fundamentally changing it, and surpassing the United States is called thoroughly changing it. Forcing ourselves to surpass them will exhaust us to death. It is better to be a little more relaxed. What if we don't need so many years and we complete it in three or four years? It is good to achieve it ahead of schedule! If we extend the time a little, and the result is that the time is shortened, I don't think we will suffer any losses. Zeng Xisheng has a method, which is simply to be an "opportunist." Anhui started to do 800 million cubic meters of earthwork for water conservancy last winter and this spring. Later, it doubled to 1.6 billion. 800 million is opportunism, and 1.6 billion is Marxism. In a few days, it became 3.2 billion, and 1.6 billion became a bit "opportunistic." Later, it was raised to 6.4 billion. We are simply being "opportunists" by saying that it will take longer to change the face of the whole country. Such opportunism is very interesting. I am willing to be it, and Marx appreciates this kind of opportunism and will not criticize me.

4. Certain controversial issues inside and outside the Party: revolving around the people's communes. There are various discussions inside and outside the Party. Probably hundreds of thousands or millions of cadres are discussing it. There are a lot of issues that are not clear. Everyone has their own opinion. They have not made a comprehensive or in-depth analysis. There are also discussions internationally. There are roughly several views: One view is that they are a little impatient. They have soaring drive and very high revolutionary enthusiasm, which is very valuable, but they have not made a historical analysis, a situation analysis, or an international analysis. The good thing about these people is that they have high enthusiasm, but the shortcoming is that they are too impatient, and they are rushing to announce that they are entering ownership by the whole people and entering communism in two or three years. The main focus of this resolution is aimed at this aspect. That is to say, don't be too impatient. There is no benefit to being too impatient. With this resolution, after this resolution, after a few weeks or months, they can largely figure it out in practice and in debate.

The "leftists" will always exist, and we are not afraid of them. As long as the majority of cadres have unified thinking, it will be easy to handle. There may be a small number of cadres who are good comrades and are responsible to the Party and the country. They think we are too impatient. They are not tide-watching factions or bean-counting factions. They are not standing on the opposite side. They have concerns and are afraid that we will stumble. These people are good people. This resolution may also persuade them, because we are not that impatient. The main focus of this resolution is to deal with the impatient, and it also gives a response to the tide-watching factions and bean-counting factions. They are not well-intentioned. They do not understand the urgent demands of the current situation, and the time is already ripe.

The two transitions, how to transition, this issue has arisen in the past two months, and it is very good that it has arisen, so we can give a response. This issue was not resolved at the Chengdu Conference. The Zhengzhou Conference made some preparations, and after a month, it has matured. Communism is divided into two stages. It has been more than 100 years since Marx talked about it. It has been more than 40 years since Lenin's October Revolution, and I feel that we have been building base areas for more than 30 years. It has also been nine years since the national victory, so we should say that this issue is not immature. We should say that the conditions for answering this issue are ripe. There is now a lot of discussion about this issue at home and abroad. Dulles is also discussing it. He says that we are engaged in slave labor, destroying families, and exploiting too much, accumulating too much, so the speed of construction is fast. They exploit less, so the speed is slow. The middle class, the proletariat, and the communists are also discussing it. The proletariats of various countries and foreign comrades are coming out to defend us. Their basis is the Beidaihe Conference and the news in the newspapers. If we do not respond, a pile of confused thoughts will spread, and there will be a lot of anarchy in society. Everyone will do their own thing. The provinces and regions cannot control the counties, and the counties cannot control the communes. They will become wild horses. Therefore, on the one hand, we oppose being too impatient, and on the other hand, we respond to this issue.

5. Studying political and economic issues. In these few months, read Stalin's "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR," the "Textbook of Political Economy" (third edition), and "Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin on Communist Society." Take a few months, and each province should organize it. For the sake of our cause, study economic theory in connection with reality. It has great theoretical and practical significance at present. I made this suggestion at the Zhengzhou Conference. I wrote a letter suggesting that everyone study it.

6. Studying dialectics. At the Zhengzhou Conference, I don't know which comrade proposed "large collectives, small freedoms." This proposal is very good. If it were "large freedoms, small collectives," Dulles, Huang Yanpei, and Rong Yiren would all welcome it.

We must grasp production and also grasp life. Walking on two legs is the theory of the unity of opposites. They all belong to the category of dialectics. Marx's theory of the unity of opposites has had a great development in our country in 1958. For example, under the premise of prioritizing the development of heavy industry, industry and agriculture are developed simultaneously, and heavy industry and light industry are developed simultaneously. Central industry and local industry are developed simultaneously, and large, medium, and small enterprises are developed simultaneously. Small local groups and large foreign groups, local methods and foreign methods, several are developed simultaneously.

There is also the management system—unified leadership by the central government and graded management by local levels, from the central government, provinces, regions, counties, communes, all the way down to the production teams. Give them a little power. It is not good to have no power at all. These ideas have been established within our Party, which is very good. Small local groups and large foreign groups are also developed simultaneously. There are also medium foreign groups. For example, aren't Tangshan and Huangshigang medium-sized? Are there small foreign groups? There are also. There are also groups combining foreign and local methods. In short, it is very complicated. Some countries in the socialist camp believe that these things are illegal and not allowed. We allow them, and they are legal here. Is it good to allow them or not? We will have to see in a few years. But in a country like ours, we have nothing, and we are desperately poor. It is good to have some small local groups! It is too monotonous to have all large ones. Agriculture is also very complicated. High-yield, medium-yield, and low-yield crops coexist. Implementing the "three-thirds system" of cultivation is a creation of the masses. The Beidaihe Conference grasped it and proposed one-third for planting grain, one-third for fallow, and one-third for planting trees. This may be the direction of the agricultural revolution. It also proposed the "Eight-Character Charter": water, fertilizer, soil, seeds, close planting, protection, tools, and management. People cannot do without drinking, and plants cannot do without drinking either.

In terms of the socialist system, there are two forms of ownership that coexist in the socialist stage. They are opposed to each other and also combined. They are the unity of opposites. Collective ownership contains the core elements of socialist ownership by the whole people. Its fundamental nature is collective ownership, and it also contains elements of communist ownership by the whole people. Yudin recently said that China is right to propose that collective ownership contains communist elements. He said that collective ownership and ownership by the whole people in the Soviet Union also contain communist elements. Capitalist society does not allow the organization of socialist modes of production. But in countries under the leadership of the Communist Party, the growth of communist elements should also be allowed. Stalin did not solve this problem and absolutized the three forms of ownership, namely collective ownership, socialist ownership by the whole people, and communist ownership by the whole people, separating them completely, which is not right.

Can all of the above be said to be the development of dialectics?

The Zhengzhou Conference proposed "large collectives, small freedoms," and now it is proposed to grasp revolution and also grasp life. These are all extensions of dialectics. The Wuchang Conference also proposed seeking truth from facts, making plans that are both hot and cold, having great ambition, but also having considerable scientific analysis. Of course, this resolution cannot solve all problems. I think it is better to publish this resolution a little later. Only publish a communique and publish it at the National People's Congress in March next year. This is in line with our great ambition and avoids some unrealistic ideas that arose from the Great Leap Forward of 1958. It is more based on reality and has more scientific analysis. Regarding the issue of steel, I also agreed to produce 30 million tons of steel next year. After arriving in Wuchang, I felt that it was not good. In the past, I also thought about producing 100 million or 120 million tons by 1962. At that time, I was only worried about the issue of need, worrying about who would use this steel, and I did not consider the issue of possibility. Later, I also considered the issue of possibility. One is possibility, and the other is need. This year, 10.7 million tons has been exhausting, so I have doubts about the possibility. 30 million tons next year, 60 million tons the year after, and 120 million tons in 1962 are false possibilities, not realistic possibilities. Now, we need to compress the air a bit. Make the plate smaller—18 million to 20 million tons. Is it impossible to exceed it? We will see next year. 22 million to 23 million tons is possible. If we have the strength to spare, we will exceed it. Now we need to compress it a bit and not set it so high. Leave room for maneuver and let the practice of the masses exceed our plan. This is also a question of dialectics. Practice includes the efforts of our leading cadres and the practice of the masses. If we propose it low and practice raises it, this is not opportunism. From 11 million tons to 20 million tons, growing exponentially, there has never been such "opportunism" in the world since ancient times. Here, we must also connect it to internationalism and connect it to the Soviet Union and the entire socialist camp. We must connect it to the international organizations of the working class of the entire world. We must not rush ahead on this issue. Some counties always like to rush ahead and want to enter communism first. In fact, those who should enter communism first should be Anshan Iron and Steel, Fushun, Liaoning, Shanghai, and Tianjin. If China enters communism first and runs ahead of the Soviet Union, it doesn't look right. Whether it is possible is also a problem. The Soviet Union has 1.5 million scientists, millions of intellectuals, and 500,000 engineers, which is more than the United States. The Soviet Union has 55 million tons of steel, and we only have so little. They have accumulated a lot of strength and have many cadres. We are just starting. So the possibility is also a problem. Khrushchev's proposed seven-year plan is still preparing to enter communism and proposes that the two forms of ownership will gradually merge, which is a very good thing. One is that we should not, and the other is that we cannot (advance first). The October Revolution was Lenin's cause. Aren't we all learning from Lenin? What is the point of rushing? It is simply to go to Marx to ask for a reward. If we do that, we may make mistakes on international issues. We must talk about dialectics. We must pay attention to mutual benefit. Dialectics has a great development, which involves this issue.

7. The Fifteen-Year Program that was made at the Zhengzhou Conference was put aside this time and not discussed. Whether it is possible, whether it is needed, we lack a basis for both. We not only lack a sufficient basis, but we also lack a preliminary basis. The experiences of the Soviet Union and the United States cannot prove that it is possible to produce so much. Even if it is possible, we cannot find buyers. Therefore, we will not set this program for the time being. We can take it out and discuss it every winter. We will not make this kind of long-term plan next year, the year after, or the year after that. We can probably make a long-term plan around 1962. It is not possible any earlier. After a few years of the whole Party and the whole people running industry, we may be able to see a little bit about the issues of possibility and need by then. This meeting did not discuss it. It was put away, and some comrades were disappointed.

8. Military work in 1958 has had considerable development. One is the great rectification, two is that army commanders go down to the companies to serve as soldiers, three is participation in production, and four is the vigorous development of the militia. Since the rectification meeting was held in Beijing in June, it has been held at all levels, and it may have been held almost completely by now. Training cannot be abandoned either. If we all go to rectification, production, steelmaking, running communes, and doing water conservancy, that will not work either. The army is always the army, and training is a regular task.

9. Regarding the change in the education system. Implementing the system of combining education with productive labor is also a major event. Of course, some problems have also occurred. For example, some students do not want to study, and they have found the taste of labor. If many people do not want to study, it will become a problem. If it becomes a problem, we will hold a meeting, and after the meeting, they will study again.

10. The issue of two possibilities. There are always two opposing things in one thing. Will canteens, nurseries, and communes be consolidated? It seems that they will be consolidated, but we must also prepare for some to collapse. The two possibilities of consolidation and collapse exist simultaneously. If we are not prepared, there will be a major collapse. Consolidation and collapse are two opposing sides. Our resolution is to consolidate them. If a few do not collapse, it will not be easy to consolidate them. For example, if a few babies die in the nurseries, and a few old people die in the homes for the elderly, if the homes for the elderly are not happy, what superiority is there? If the canteens serve cold rice and there is rice but no vegetables, a batch will also collapse. It is unrealistic to think that none will collapse. It is very reasonable to collapse if they are not run well. In general, collapse is partial and temporary, and non-collapse is permanent. The general trend is development and consolidation. Our Party also has two possibilities: one is consolidation, and the other is split. In Shanghai, one central government split into two central governments. During the Long March, we split with Zhang Guotao. The Gao-Rao incident was a partial split. Partial splits are frequent. Since last year, half of the provinces in the country have experienced splits within the leadership groups. People lose hair and skin every day, which is the destruction of some cells. From childhood, we must destroy some cells, which is conducive to growth. If there is no destruction, people cannot survive. Since Confucius, it would be terrible if people did not die. Death is good and can be used as fertilizer. You say you don't do it, but you actually do it. We must be mentally prepared. Partial splits exist every day. Splits and deaths will always occur. Without splits, it is not conducive to development. The entire death is also a historical necessity. Generally speaking, the Party and the state, as tools of class struggle, will die out. But before its historical mission is completed, we must consolidate it and not want it to split, but we must prepare for splits. Without preparation, it will split. With preparation, we can avoid major splits. Large and medium splits are temporary. The Hungarian incident was large, and the Gao-Rao incident and the Molotov incident were medium. Every branch is changing. Some are expelled, some are admitted, some work very well, and some make mistakes. It is impossible to never change. Lenin often said that there are always two possibilities for a country: either victory or death. Our People's Republic of China also has two possibilities: either victory or death. Lenin did not hide the possibility of death. Our People's Republic also has two possibilities. Do not deny this possibility. We do not have atomic bombs. If a war breaks out, the best of the thirty-six strategies is to run. They occupy Beijing, Shanghai, and Wuhan, and we fight guerrilla warfare, retreating ten or twenty years, back to the Yan'an era. Therefore, on the one hand, we must actively prepare, vigorously develop steel, develop machines, and develop railways, striving to produce tens of millions of tons of steel in three or four years and establish an industrial base, making us more consolidated than we are now. We now have a great reputation in the world, one is shelling Jinmen, one is the people's communes, and the other is 10.7 million tons of steel. I think the reputation is great, but the strength is not strong. We are still "poor and blank," unarmed, and have accomplished nothing. Now we only have an inch of iron. The country is actually weak. Politically, we are a strong country, but in terms of military equipment and economy, we are a weak country. Therefore, our current task is to change from weak to strong. Can we change it through three years of hard struggle? I am afraid three years is not enough. Three years of hard struggle can only change a part, not fundamentally change it. If we have another four years, a total of seven years, it will be better and will be worthy of the name. Now the reputation is great, but the strength is small. We must see this clearly. Now foreigners are exaggerating it greatly, and many newspapers are full of big talk. Do not be blown away by foreigners and become deified and elated. In fact, only 9 million tons of good steel were produced this year, and if it is rolled into steel products, it will be discounted by 30%, leaving only more than 6 million tons. Do not deceive ourselves. There is a lot of grain. After discounting it in various places, it is 860 billion jin. We say 730 billion jin, which is more than double. We do not count the 110 billion jin. It is not a loss to have it but not count it. The things still exist. We are only afraid of not having it. Whether we have it or not, we have not checked it. None of you here have checked it. Even if there are 860 billion jin, a quarter of it is potatoes. We must estimate the unhappy side and simply explain it clearly. What is wrong with holding a meeting at the provincial, regional, and county levels to talk about these unlucky things? Others do not like to hear it, so I will talk about the unlucky things everywhere. It is nothing more than the collapse of public canteens and communes, the split of the Party, being divorced from the masses, being occupied by the United States, and the destruction of the country, fighting guerrilla warfare. We are governed by a Marxist law. No matter what, these unlucky things are always temporary and partial. Our history has proven this point many times. The Hungarian incident, the Long March, 300,000 troops becoming 20,000, and 300,000 Party members becoming tens of thousands are all temporary and partial. The death