In doing anything, we must combine central and local authorities, vertical departments and horizontal administrative units—this is the method of democratic centralism and the mass line; otherwise, it will not work. Was this time a cold shower for Li Fuchun? The plan should be both ambitious and reliable, based on solid foundations, while also boosting morale and avoiding discouragement among the masses. We must learn from the lessons of 1956. Even at the local level, there are relationships between vertical lines and horizontal blocks: the first secretary represents the block, while the secretary in charge of a specific sector embodies the line, and these two must be integrated. The first secretary needs to coordinate closely with the industrial secretary. At the Beidaihe Conference, there was great enthusiasm for a target of 30 million tons, but ten million tons of that was sheer subjectivism. One cannot truly appreciate the difficulties until one has experienced them firsthand. (The Premier interjects: It’s certainly no mystery; nor is it simple.) ××: The steel targets can still be adjusted by each region; reducing them slightly will not affect the national plan. Steel, electricity, and transportation will follow the second proposal, while other indicators will adhere to the first.

We should convene a plenary session of the Central Committee on the 6th or 7th to briefly outline the main points and then revisit the plan after a certain period. A final decision can be made on July 1 next year. Originally, there was no plan to double grain production; it was only raised after several meetings. The “eight-character constitution” for agriculture addresses only the land, not the weather—it cannot control sunlight or air. Heaven and earth are in a dialectical unity. Good ideas do not need to be overly wordy; Laozi wrote just over five thousand characters in his entire life. Industry differs from agriculture in that industrial processes involve numerous interdependencies: producing steel requires coal, electricity, and other inputs; if any link is missing, the whole system falters. Agricultural interdependencies are comparatively fewer. By combining the Party, the masses, and technical personnel, experimental fields and high yields represent a major liberation for humanity—an advance in our understanding of nature. The “three-three system” breaks down what were once considered safety margins, yet it would still be advisable to include it, allowing for greater flexibility in timing and further refinement. Across most regions nationwide, each person should have about one mu of land.

Let us discuss the people’s communes for another couple of days and make necessary revisions. Many issues have been thoroughly explored this time, including whether cities should establish commune offices, which has been confirmed as essential. There were also discussions on the militia and family matters. Dulles has attacked us, claiming that our system amounts to slave labor and destroys the family. In fact, capitalism was the first to undermine the family through money-driven relationships, where fathers disown their children and everyone looks out only for themselves. Our communes, however, provide for the elderly: “Respect your own elders and extend that respect to others’ elders; cherish your own young and extend that care to others’ young.” Wage differentials should be widened somewhat—to around 1.4 times or even more—if desired. While farmers may exhibit tendencies toward egalitarianism, excessive disparities should be avoided, yet some degree of differentiation remains necessary. The Soviet Union’s extreme wage gaps serve as a cautionary example; we should not simply imitate them. In the future, what does a salary of fifteen yuan really signify? Thirty or forty-five yuan—once wages rise to such levels across the board, the differences will largely disappear. This applies particularly to rural areas. Urban wage differentials, however, will likely remain wider. This is essential: we should not cut the salaries of prominent figures like Huang Yanpei, Mei Lanfang, or professors. As social productivity increases and low wages are gradually raised to approach those of higher earners, we will be moving closer to communism. Regarding the principles of distribution according to one’s work versus distribution according to one’s needs, how exactly will equality be achieved? That question must be addressed from the bottom up.

Let us devote half a day to discussing work style. The primary problems today are coercion and falsification of reports. In Zhaoyang County, illiteracy has not yet been eradicated, yet reports claim it has been eliminated. Coercion involves two groups: class enemies and ignorant individuals. Just how widespread is this practice of issuing coercive orders? Is it limited to one percent, five percent, or perhaps ten percent? By December this year or January next year, all local Party congresses should hold special sessions to address issues related to work style.

Two major developments emerged in the second half of this year: the people’s communes and the policy of prioritizing steel production. These have caused considerable tension, but drafting the relevant regulations has now brought some relief. The documents on the people’s communes originated from the Zhengzhou Conference and were prepared in advance. The planning meeting, on the other hand, was organized along departmental lines. Eastern China is currently experiencing a downturn. Previously, we failed to adequately consider certain conditions; even when coal was available, it could not be transported.

For agricultural production in 1959, this year’s grain output reached 75 billion jin. Next year, it is projected to increase by 30 billion jin, reaching 105 billion jin, with an average per capita yield exceeding 1,500 jin. We must persevere for three years to achieve a per capita output of 2,000 jin. Some starch-based foods will also be needed. This year, we adopted a policy of reporting higher figures than actual yields, leaving room for adjustment. Cotton production is estimated at 67 million dan this year, rising to 100 million dan next year. How much grain will we actually harvest? Will it roughly double? Perhaps stating an increase of around 90 percent would be more appropriate. On the issue of food supply: is it better to be fully candid or to leave some leeway? Might some areas lack three full meals a day next spring? Guangdong has issued an order mandating three cooked meals daily. Meanwhile, people in Shandong are eating flatbread now and wonder what they will eat next spring. With the true extent of our grain reserves still uncertain, should we eat less now and more later? Let each locality deliberate on this matter.

Turning to the international situation: Khrushchev held a press conference during which he took a bold stance on Berlin, declaring, “If you do not withdraw, I will.” Khrushchev clearly understood the dynamics of creating tension. We too can generate some tension to prompt the West to urge us to de-escalate. Allowing the West to fear such tension ultimately serves our interests. Following the publication of the Sino-Soviet joint communiqué, Taiwan immediately convened an emergency meeting, despite the fact that the communiqué contained not a single word about Taiwan. Similarly, the planned four-power summit was canceled, reportedly due to Chinese influence, though the summit itself never even discussed the issue. If we travel abroad, is it safe? Stalin suffered from mental instability and rarely left the country. Various materials indicate that imperialism has adopted a defensive posture, having abandoned any offensive initiatives. In his remarks outlining eighteen objectives, Dulles stated that we Communists should confine ourselves to the confines of the people’s communes, attending only to our own affairs and refraining from interfering in matters beyond our sphere of influence. Only then, he argued, could we feel secure: “You don’t attack me, and I won’t attack you.” Dulles accused us of practicing slave labor and centralized rule, claiming that our accumulation of wealth amounted to capital—specifically, the total income minus wages. He categorized colonialism, nationalism, and communism as a progression, a formula propounded by Lenin. We should carefully examine Dulles’s speech of the eighteenth. He acknowledged our substantial accumulation of resources, our strong organizational capacity, and our superior philosophical thinking. Dulles’s tone was markedly more moderate than before: he no longer spoke of being on the brink of war or of asserting a position of strength. Instead, he appeared more disciplined, effectively steering U.S. policy. The British are shrewd and calculating, whereas Americans tend to be more impulsive. The British frequently offer strategic and tactical guidance. Dulles identified five major global issues: nationalism, the North and South Poles, atomic energy, outer space, and communism. He was a man who thought deeply. To understand his remarks, we must analyze them word by word, consulting an English dictionary. At a conference on world order, 3,700 religious leaders issued a letter endorsing us. Dulles contended that churches should merely set moral guidelines, without delving into specifics.

Are the eight points discussed at the Beidaihe Conference still valid? They remain so. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is attacking nationalism and indigenous forms of communism—with a particular focus on the intermediate zones of Asia, Africa, and Latin America—while maintaining a defensive posture against the socialist camp, except in cases like the Hungarian uprising. However, our propaganda presents a different narrative, insisting that NATO is on the offensive. We must avoid self-deception. Lippmann wrote an article arguing that NATO was not truly aggressive, but this failed to convince the Soviet people. Who is more afraid of whom? Lippmann advocated strengthening India as a counterweight to us, suggesting that he himself feared our growing influence in Asia and Africa, as well as our economic resurgence. Ultimately, creating tension has served our interests. De Gaulle was bound to emerge sooner or later, and his appearance proved beneficial to the proletariat. Should U.S. forces be withdrawn early or late from the Middle East? Their complete departure within just over a month demonstrates that withdrawal is feasible. Artillery fire directed at Taiwan has its advantages; otherwise, the militia could not have been mobilized so quickly. As for embargoes, UN membership, war, and nuclear weapons, who stands to gain? Those who fear escalation benefit precisely because they fear it. By adopting a resolute stance and refusing to succumb to fear, we become immune to intimidation. Dulles is indeed bellicose; accusations of belligerence are merely a smokescreen. Dulles is genuinely steering U.S. policy, and provincial committees should designate someone to monitor relevant materials.

Khrushchev, however, is overly cautious and unbalanced—a figure akin to Iron Crutch Li. He lacks the stability of walking on two legs. Per capita living standards are only 200 rubles, slightly higher than ours. Heavy industry is disproportionately developed, with excessive emphasis on the central government at the expense of local development. His administration is bureaucratic and lacks a genuine mass-line approach.

This meeting was somewhat longer and more relaxed than usual, yet it remained highly focused, centering on just two documents. The “paper tiger” issue continues to perplex many both inside and outside the Party. Some ask: if it is indeed a paper tiger, why not simply strike Taiwan? Why persist in aiming to catch up with and surpass Britain? I have written a short essay addressing this question. It is both true and false: temporarily, it appears real; viewed over the long term, it is merely paper. We have consistently maintained that we should treat it seriously in tactical terms but dismiss it in strategic terms. This principle applies not only to class struggle but also to our efforts to combat pests, eradicate illiteracy, promote afforestation, and control schistosomiasis—tasks that cannot be accomplished overnight. They require years of sustained effort.