The question of the 1959 grain policy. Will the drive be greater than this year's or about the same as this year's? It is still better to have more and more drive, and next year's must be greater than this year's. Do not now worry that a bumper harvest will bring disaster; do not be afraid of having too much and thus not muster the drive. But production must be rhythmic. The labor intensity is very high now, and the peasants must be allowed appropriate rest. Two days of rest a month, one day of rest every half-month. When it is busy, rest a little less; when it is slack, rest a little more. Those far from the worksites can eat and sleep collectively at the worksites, which can save travel time and allow for more rest. This meaning should be written into the document, but not spoken of too much.

There is much grain, but still not enough oil. Grain, cotton, and oil must all increase in production. The core is deep plowing. This year, the majority did not deep plow, and close planting was also insufficient. Too close is not good for ventilation. Only with deep plowing can one close plant, store water, apply fertilizer, and eliminate pests. (×× interjects: Close planting of more than ten million plants may fail; five million plants is no problem. Experience must be created for large-area close planting.) Some questions in political economy and historical materialism need to be rewritten. We have solved a theoretical problem of Marxism. First, work on agriculture, and at the same time, work on heavy industry. The dispute between Khrushchev and Molotov was about having too much heavy industry. We have done the opposite of the Soviet Union, first working on agriculture to promote industrial development, first working on the green leaves, then on the red flowers. What is wrong with first working on the green leaves and then the red flowers? It seems some questions need to be re-explained. Economics and historical materialism must have new supplements and developments. The three aspects of the relations of production—ownership, the mutual relations of laborers, and the question of distribution—have not been elaborated. The Soviet Union's collective farms and handicraft cooperatives are still under collective ownership; why not implement ownership by the whole people? Ownership by the whole people is not just the central government's, but the whole people's. In the past, ownership was manifested as ×××'s and Zhao Erlu's ownership; this is the Soviet method. We now manage twenty-eight provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions and cannot manage them all. It is nothing more than holding meetings, grasping the work four times a year. In the past, we managed even less, nothing more than issuing directives and circulating some information. Now, twenty percent is managed by the central government, and eighty percent is managed by the localities. The provinces must also delegate power downward, and even enterprises must have a certain degree of authority and independence. The Shijingshan Iron and Steel Plant, with its investment contract system, can go from 600,000 tons of steel to 1.3 million tons of steel, and in the second phase, it can reach 3 million tons. What is the reason for this? There is a ghost in this. I ask everyone to think carefully about it. It is the enthusiasm of the masses that has arrived. When ××× was in charge, it was actually the designers who were exercising dictatorship. There is a question here for everyone to think about. I think it has the same logic as national independence. This is related to the question of the people. After India's independence, its enthusiasm was higher than when it was under British rule. As soon as there is independence, there is enthusiasm. Of course, it is manifested in class struggle. Streets, factories, and people-run schools have also developed by changing from collective ownership to ownership by the whole people.

The question of the struggle between "dead" and "living." The struggle between "dead" and "living" will exist for ten thousand years. Should the "dead" be controlled or not? It won't do without the dead, but it also won't do to control things too rigidly. It also won't do to have nothing dead at all. If the steel for '59 is ×× tons, ×× must be rigidly fixed. ×× tons is living. If it is ×× tons, then ×× tons is living. If it exceeds ×× tons, it can also be divided so that those with more edible oil eat more, and those with less eat less. This becomes living. The dead ensures the key points; the living, outside the key points, does not obstruct the key points. The all-inclusive contract system has both the dead and the living; everyone must manage it. The two aspects of dead and living are unity and decentralization, having both. The contract system is the unity of opposites of the dead and the living. "Grasp the major powers alone, disperse the minor powers" is this principle. In the central government, who is ultimately in charge? Where are the major powers grasped? Is having only an Economic Construction Commission enough? Can it be divided into an Industrial Production Commission and an Industrial Capital Construction Commission? In the end, every grievance must have its source, every project its contractor, so that everyone has something to strive for. When we speak of the six disciplines, we are waging a war of nerves, mainly to scare people. As long as you don't go to jail, as long as everyone doesn't break the law, that's fine!

The question of the superstructure in historical materialism is the question of political power, which has already been solved. The people's commune is the integration of government and commune. There, political power will gradually disappear. The people's commune is adding one bad person among several people; this is exercising dictatorship. Among the 600 million people, only 1.2 million criminals in labor reform is not many. The army used to say it was backward. Once a meeting was held and mutual relations were changed, a new atmosphere emerged. The armies in all regions are holding meetings. The Great Leap Forward in the army has already begun. All sorts of things can be done. The army takes out one-third of its time for politics, culture, and labor. Does this affect military training? Not only does it not affect it, but it makes it even better. The public security organs and courts are also undergoing rectification. This thing called law, it won't do to not have it, but we have our own set. The set of Ma Qingtian is still good: investigate and study, solve problems on the spot. Mediation is primary. Since the Great Leap Forward, everyone is engaged in production, with great contending, great blooming, and big-character posters, so there is no time to commit crimes. To deal with thieves, it won't do not to rely on the masses. (Liu ×× interjects: Is it ultimately rule of law or rule of man? In my view, it actually relies on man. The law can only serve as a reference for doing things. The decisions of the Nanning Conference, the Chengdu Conference, the Second Session of the Eighth Party Congress, and the Beidaihe Conference, everyone goes and implements them... The Shanghai Meilin Company implemented the dual method; once it was published in the newspaper, it spread throughout the country. You cannot rely on law to govern the majority of people; the majority of people must rely on forming habits. The army relies on military law to govern people, but it cannot govern them. In reality, it was the conference of 1,400 people that governed them. Who can remember so many articles of civil and criminal law? I participated in drafting the constitution, and I can't remember it either. Han Feizi advocated the rule of law; later, the Confucians advocated the rule of man. Every resolution of ours is law, and holding meetings is also law. Public security regulations can only be observed when they become a habit, become public opinion. When everyone is conscious, we can reach communism. Most of our various rules and regulations, ninety percent of them, are made by bureaus and departments. We basically don't rely on those. We mainly rely on resolutions, on meetings, holding them four times a year. We don't rely on civil and criminal law to maintain order. The National People's Congress and the State Council have their own set when they meet; we still rely on our own set. This is about the part on the superstructure.)

Ideology, worldview, methodology, newspapers, culture, and education have a very great role. The more bourgeois freedom is destroyed, the more proletarian freedom there will be. The Soviet Union did not thoroughly destroy bourgeois freedom, and therefore did not fully establish super-proletarian freedom. Our political and ideological revolution has been carried out quite thoroughly. Cadres participate in production, become one with the masses, and thoroughly reform rules and regulations. This is the thorough destruction of bourgeois freedom. The workers' drive is sky-high. Political economy passes over these questions in a few sentences.

The question of distribution. The salary grades for cadres and staff in the Soviet Union are too numerous, and the income gap with workers and peasants is too wide. The peasants' obligatory sales system imposes a burden of forty percent, restricting agricultural development for forty years. We only take five to eight percent (excluding indirect burdens). We store wealth among the people. "When grain is sufficient, how can army provisions be insufficient?" When Khrushchev came, he only talked about how much grain the state procured, not about how much was produced. We talk about production. The people know that we are for them anyway, so their enthusiasm is high. Some people say, "A large country with a large population is difficult to manage." It depends on the method. As long as the method is right, it would be easy to manage even with another billion people. Our method is, in any case, great contending and great blooming, managing oneself. We submit to the truth. If the truth is with the subordinates, the superiors will submit. If the soldiers are brilliant, the officers will submit to the soldiers. If students compile teaching materials better than the teachers, the teachers should submit to the students. Compiling teaching materials requires a "three-in-one combination" of the Party, students, and activist elements among the teachers. We must clean up science, discipline by discipline. The situation of bourgeois domination must be broken. Zhao Chenggu, the director of the Institute of Chinese Materia Medica at the Academy of Sciences, could extract a medicine for high blood pressure (from Rauvolfia serpentina) but never told others. The young scientific personnel were not convinced, and after a few days of hard struggle, they also produced it. Therefore, we must grasp the young researchers and isolate these professors. This struggle is very fierce. Therefore, it will still take several years.

The importance of ideology. Ideology is a reflection of objective reality; it is concerned with the base and serves the base. Reforming rules and regulations. Holding meetings is doing ideological work. The Beidaihe Conference was doing ideological work. Last year's Third Plenary Session, this year's Nanning Conference, Chengdu Conference, and the Party Congress put forward the slogan of breaking down superstitions, which played a great role. That is why there is the Great Leap Forward. Incorrectly reflecting objective laws is very harmful. The eight-legged essay and the thought of Confucius have been passed down for several thousand years. Some people even eat the Dalai Lama's excrement and dirt; it is incredibly stupid. The teaching of Zhang Daoling, where each person gives five pecks of rice, and by giving five pecks of rice one gets food to eat, became corrupted when it reached the Celestial Master Zhang in Jiangxi. There is a law to eating grain: big mouths and small mouths, 3.6 shi a year. Let them eat their fill. Xue Rengui eating one dou of rice a day is always a minority. We are setting up public canteens, but people can also take food back to eat. The method of eating without paying can be implemented gradually; for the time being, it is not fixed... Staff and workers' dormitories should be mixed; large dormitory blocks are better than official residences. Bourgeois right cannot be completely abolished. University professors eat a little better than students. Henan moved 8 billion cubic meters of earthwork, and grain output doubled. What Henan can do, the whole country should be able to do.

Next year is the tenth anniversary of the founding of the nation. Should the propaganda be on a large scale or a small scale? We are doing propaganda for the Chinese people. For all the people, it is to boost morale. We do not consider the issue of influencing foreign countries, but in reality, foreign countries will be influenced. If we do it on a large scale, should we invite foreigners, and how many?

Also, go and tell the army comrades that officers must serve as soldiers for one month. Start with a few people first. Once one person does it, others will all have to do it. One October Revolution, and the whole world wants revolution; one cooperative achieves a thousand jin per mu, and the whole country wants to achieve a thousand jin per mu. In the end, does the minority obey the majority, or does the majority obey the minority? It has always been that the majority obeys the minority, because the minority reflects the opinions of the majority. You all came to this meeting, wasn't it because Deng ×× sent a notice and summoned you all here? Isn't this the majority obeying the minority? Darwin's theory of evolution, Copernicus's theory of the solar system, were all created by one person, and others all obeyed. Marx and Engels were two people who reflected objective laws, or reflected the opinions of the majority. The formula for protein has not yet been found. Of the 167 types of reactive dyes, the formulas have been found, number one in the world. Methane is four carbon, one hydrogen. Farts are two hydrogen, one sulfur. Gypsum is calcium sulfate. From this small point, it is the opinion of the minority reflecting the opinion of the majority.

Xushui County in Hebei Province is implementing militarization, combatization, and disciplinization. These three slogans can be raised, or they can not be raised. The organizational form does not necessarily have to be regiments, battalions, companies, platoons, and squads; establishing large brigades, medium brigades, and small teams is also possible. In reality, it is a question of labor organization and democratization. The imperialists are spreading rumors about this matter, but we are not afraid of them. Coercion and commandism are of course not good, but a bit of compulsion in work is also necessary; this is discipline. Everyone coming to the Beidaihe meeting is also like this. The Soviet Union's military communism was the surplus grain collection system. We have a twenty-two-year military tradition, implementing the supply system, which is military communism. We implemented communism among the cadres, not including the common people, but the common people were also influenced. Engels said that many things originated from the army, and this is indeed true. We went from the cities to the countryside, combined with the semi-proletariat, and organized the Party and the army. We ate from the big pot, had no Sundays, no salaries; it was a supply system of a communist nature. Once we came to the city, we felt ashamed of our inadequacy. The old set was no longer popular. We had to wear woolen clothes, shave our beards. Cadres became intellectualized. The salary system negated the supply system. Clothing was divided into three colors, food into five grades. The mass line was also not fully implemented in the cities and countryside. From liberation to '52 was still alright. From '53 to '56, it mainly reflected Chinese bourgeois thought, and second was copying the Soviet Union. In the past, we had no choice but to ask the bourgeoisie to be our advisors. We were not conscious of the viewpoint of bourgeois right. Several hundred million peasants, seven million production workers, over twenty million cadres and teachers—the ocean of the bourgeoisie submerged us up to our chests. Some people were drowned. Liu Shaotang became a rightist. Yao Wenyuan is not bad, better than Liu Shahe.

The people's commune resolution will be sent down as a draft. Each county should set up one or two pilot projects. It doesn't have to be spread out all at once, nor does everyone have to organize into regiments, battalions, companies, platoons, and squads. Planning must be carried out with leadership and in a planned way. It won't do not to do it now; not doing it would be a mistake. Increasing private plots, having draft animals mainly privately raised, changing large communes into small communes, and a few other things, are concessions to the well-to-do middle peasants. Going through this process is permissible; it is not considered a serious error of principle. Under the conditions at that time, it even had some positive significance. Now it has been negated again. Individual pigs can be raised privately. It is better for communes to be large. The characteristics of the people's commune are, one, "large," and two, "public." It is mainly many communes merging into one large commune. Several editor's notes in the book "Socialist Upsurge in China's Countryside" all say that it is good to run large communes. Mountainous areas can also run large communes, with diversified and comprehensive development. In the beginning, it is also beneficial to start smaller. The youth and women are all happy with the wage system. That whole set of reasoning about increasing private plots came from the Rural Work Department. In 1955, I advocated running large communes. The whole country should have 15,000 to 25,000 communes, with each commune having 5,000 to 6,000 households, 20,000 to 30,000 people per commune. This is quite large, convenient for integrating industry, agriculture, military, education, and commerce, and agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, side-occupations, and fishery. I think in the future, some large cities will have to be dispersed into residential points of 20,000 to 30,000 people, which will have everything. The countryside will be small cities. Philosophers and scientists will mostly emerge from there. Every large commune will have roads built through it. Build a wider cement or asphalt road, without planting trees, so that airplanes can land; it will be an airfield. In the future, every province will have one or two hundred airplanes, with an average of two per township. Large provinces will build their own airplane factories.

It is not necessary for all localities to follow Xushui's method. The three phrases (militarization, combatization, disciplinization) exist in all localities. The charter of the Wuxing Commune is to be published in "Red Flag" magazine. It is generally usable, and all localities can refer to it for implementation.