This meeting is an enlarged session of the Political Bureau, attended by leading officials from provinces and autonomous regions. The agenda is as printed; comrades may also refer to it.

The primary focus is on the first item: next year’s Five-Year Economic Plan, with emphasis on industry and, to a lesser extent, agriculture. A draft figure has been circulated, but it is not entirely equitable. We need to make it fairer and more accurate. This will require three days of work, overseen by Comrade Fu Chun.

The second item concerns this year’s production of iron, steel, copper, and molybdenum. Steel output is targeted to double from 5.3 million tons in 1957 to 11 million tons, though there is a risk that this target may not be met. The central issue here is iron production. Telephonic instructions have already been issued and mobilization initiated, but we must press ahead more vigorously, follow up with return calls, and ensure commitments are fulfilled.

The third item addresses next year’s agricultural plan, to be led by Comrade ×××.

The fourth item pertains to next year’s water conservancy projects, which will be coordinated by Comrades Chen and Li.

The fifth item concerns the collectivization of agriculture. A copy of the outline for Henan Province’s pilot people’s communes has been distributed.

The sixth item deals with this year’s commercial procurement and distribution, including the handling of grain stocks, under the responsibility of Comrade Xian Nian. Grain production this year may reach ×××× billion jin, averaging ×× jin per person. Our goal is to increase per capita output to ×× jin next year and ×× jin the following year. Whether we can ultimately achieve 2,500 to 3,000 jin remains to be decided. As for whether grain production can grow without limit, I believe exceeding 3,000 jin would present significant difficulties.

The seventh item is education. Comrade ××× has written an article, and a resolution based on it can now be circulated.

The eighth item concerns cadres’ participation in labor. All of us here—regardless of rank or position—should engage in manual labor whenever possible, except for those who are too old or infirm. There are several million officials among us, and adding the military brings the total to over ten million. Even the exact number of officials is unclear. Moreover, there are tens of millions of children of cadres, who often enjoy privileged access to positions. Prolonged tenure in office can lead to detachment from reality and the masses. Following the completion of the Shisanling Reservoir, many people spent several days working on its construction. Should we mandate one month of annual labor, distributed across the four seasons, involving workers, farmers, merchants, and intellectuals alike, thereby integrating work with physical labor for everyone? How can officials remain idle while others labor, especially given the large number of cadres’ children involved? In the Soviet Union, graduates of agricultural universities are reluctant to go to the countryside. Is it not absurd to locate such institutions in urban areas? Agricultural universities should all be relocated to rural areas. Similarly, all schools ought to establish workshops; the Tianjin Conservatory of Music operates several factories, which is commendable. Mobilizing county- and township-level cadres for labor is relatively straightforward, whereas at the central, provincial, and prefectural levels, some may hesitate to operate machinery. Yet anyone capable of eating with chopsticks and writing with a brush ought to be able to operate equipment. Which is easier—operating a machine or climbing a mountain?

The ninth item concerns labor regulations, to be prepared by the Ministry of Labor.

The tenth item relates to sending ×× thousand people to the frontier regions.

The eleventh item addresses issues of technological secrecy.

The twelfth item focuses on the international situation. I have raised this topic because questions keep arising: Will a world war break out? And if so, how should we respond? What is the true nature of Western military alliances? Whom does heightened tension benefit? Does the United Nations view it as advantageous or not? Ultimately, who fears whom, and to what extent? Even within our Party, this question remains unresolved. Some argue that “the East wind prevails over the West wind,” yet clearly it has not—otherwise, why would the U.S. and Britain dare land troops in the Middle East? Views differ, and both inside and outside the Party there is a pervasive fear of the West, even a kind of “America-phobia.” In fact, it is likely that the West fears us more than we fear them. There are three major ideological currents in the world: communism, imperialism, and nationalism. The latter two are essentially forms of capitalism. One represents national capitalism, while the other embodies capitalism that oppresses others—imperialism. Nationalism was originally the rear base of imperialism, but once it turns against imperialist powers, it becomes our own rear base. Both India and Egypt have adopted this stance, and it serves our interests more effectively. When these two ideologies stand together, our collective strength increases. Both sides possess nuclear weapons, and we have greater popular support; therefore, a conflict is unlikely. Nevertheless, it cannot be ruled out entirely, and we must remain prepared. As for monopoly capital, it is hard to say whether it seeks confrontation or avoids it. If it does choose to fight, will it do so resolutely, striking with all its might until everything is destroyed and then rebuilt? Clearly articulating our readiness to confront aggression is a positive step.

In our propaganda, we portray the three imperialist blocs as aggressors because they seek to encroach upon nationalist and socialist movements. However, we should not exaggerate their threat. They will only attack us if we experience severe internal turmoil and a counterrevolutionary force overthrows us. The Hungarian counterrevolution has already been crushed, so they no longer dare act. The socialist camp is strengthening; with China producing seventy to eighty million tons of steel, our position is solidified. The various treaties purportedly forming an imperialist offensive are, in essence, defensive measures—calcified remnants of a diseased lung—and should not be regarded as particularly menacing. The Baghdad Pact created a breach, a central breakthrough, and Iraq underwent a dramatic transformation one morning. Communist ideology can indeed penetrate; I appreciate Comrade ×××’s observation that imperialists fear being “pierced” through. Imperialist military alliances are like thin walls erected on unstable foundations, aimed primarily at controlling the intermediate zone. Failing to subdue us directly, they turn their attention to manipulating that zone instead, engaging in mutual rivalry—for example, the U.S. and Britain undermining France, or restricting West Germany. We advocate for de-escalation and détente, suggesting that détente benefits us while tension favors the West. Could it be argued that tension actually works more to our advantage than to theirs? For the West, it facilitates expanded arms production; for us, it enables the mobilization of all available resources. On the morning of July 14, the lid was lifted on developments in Iraq. Tension can lead to an increase in membership among communist parties and boost our output of steel and grain. It would be beneficial for the U.S. and Britain to linger a bit longer in Lebanon and Jordan—not to cast America as the “good guy”—as each additional day yields tangible advantages. By keeping them tethered, we gain leverage to craft compelling narratives, turning the U.S. into a target of widespread criticism. However, our official propaganda should still emphasize the need for immediate withdrawal.

The stricter the embargo, the better; the less the United Nations recognizes [certain regimes], the better. We have experience from the War of Resistance Against Japan, when Chiang Kai-shek and He Yingqin withheld supplies and funding. Faced with this, we advocated unity and self-reliance, launching a large-scale production campaign that yielded value far exceeding 400,000 yuan, providing ample cotton clothing—far more than what He Yingqin had provided. That lesson holds true today: embargoes imposed by other countries are advantageous. Ideally, recognition should be deferred for another seven years. The Seventh Five-Year Plan should proceed in three phases: three years of arduous struggle, followed by two years each. Under such conditions, we could produce between ×× and ×× million tons of steel, with tension working to our benefit despite the presence of an adversary.

The thirteenth item concerns rural communist education this winter and spring.

The fourteenth item addresses issues of cooperation.

The fifteenth item focuses on deep plowing. Deep plowing is currently the main direction for agricultural development. It creates substantial reservoirs of water and fertilizer; otherwise, abundant irrigation and fertilization alone will not suffice. In northern regions, plowing should reach depths of over a foot, while in the south, seven to eight inches is sufficient. Layered fertilization enhances soil aggregate structure, with each aggregate serving as a small reservoir and fertilizer depot. Deep plowing connects surface water with groundwater. Dense planting depends on thorough deep plowing; otherwise, it is futile. Deep plowing also aids in weed control, as uprooting weeds helps eliminate insect pests. This approach effectively triples the productive capacity of a single acre. Currently, the national average is three acres per person. By intensifying cultivation downward, we can achieve higher yields. Why cultivate so much land? In the future, we could dedicate one-third of our cultivated area to afforestation, gradually reducing the acreage over several years. Past efforts to green the plains have largely failed, but with deep plowing, such initiatives become feasible. Without it, this possibility does not exist.

We need to shift our understanding of population size. Previously, I advocated for a population of 800 million; now it seems acceptable to aim for over a billion. We should refrain from encouraging large families. Effective family planning can truly take hold only after cultural standards have improved.

The sixteenth item concerns fertilizer.

The seventeenth item addresses the militia. Cooperative zones or larger provinces may produce light weapons—rifles, machine guns, light artillery—to arm the militia and establish large cooperatives integrating industry, agriculture, commerce, education, and the military. Manufacturing such a large quantity of firearms might appear wasteful, since we are not at war, but even this waste serves a purpose. Universal military service instills a spirit of courage and determination. We should promote songs celebrating figures like Mu Guiying, Hua Mulan, and Sizhou City, rather than those about Zhu Yingtai. If we allocate six years to equip every four people with one firearm, the nation will require approximately 100 million firearms in total, with each individual receiving several dozen rounds—ammunition that must be expended.