Reasons for the Formation of the Production Upsurge. How did the current production upsurge come about?

(1) There was an upsurge before, and we gained experience in leading upsurges. There was an upsurge in the winter of 1955 and the spring of 1956...

(2) The mistake of opposing rash advance made many people uncomfortable and made cadres unable to hold their heads high. But setbacks are very beneficial to us. One way is to do things a bit faster, the other a bit slower—this gives us a comparison between two methods of work. Opposing rash advance meant slowness. In recent years, the two upsurges have formed a saddle-shaped pattern: high from 1955 to the spring of 1956 and from the winter of 1957 to the present, and low in the middle when opposing rash advance occurred. This situation is very favorable to us.

(3) Based on practical work experience, the Central Committee promptly restored the Forty Articles and the slogans of "more, faster, better, and more economically" and "be a promoter" at the Third Plenary Session and the Qingdao Conference.

(4) Through the rectification campaign and the struggle against the rightists, the masses' drive has been aroused and their enthusiasm is full.

The Issue of Rest and Reorganization Between Two Campaigns. The current production upsurge has mobilized the masses on a very broad scale. Mobilizing so many people is unprecedented since ancient times. In the past, only during wartime, in military recruitment, was there large-scale mobilization of this kind. The masses are a labor army, and cadres at all levels are the commanders. Commanders should understand that rest and reorganization are needed between two campaigns. Do not keep up the tension endlessly; there must be adjustments between periods of intensity. Do not let the masses remain in a state of constant tension.

At the same time, in the production upsurge, we must be practical and not engage in empty talk or insubstantial efforts. Through three years of bitter struggle, we will basically change the face [of the country]. Should we say "basically change the face" or "initially change the face"? This slogan has played a mobilizing role and should not be changed. The Central Committee will observe for a while longer. Changing the face cannot be counted merely by digging ditches and planting trees. Only increasing grain, oil-bearing crops, and cotton counts as changing the face, because we are not laying out a garden. Achieving increases in cotton, oil, and grain is what counts as changing the face. Digging ditches is only a means and cannot be considered the goal. Last year we paid attention to grain and meat. Starting next year, we must vigorously develop oil-bearing crops. Each province must make plans and carry them out resolutely and swiftly. The Forty Articles should include targets and measures for increasing oil-bearing crop production. To help fraternal countries, we must also raise output. We can also put forward slogans (Shaanxi plants walnuts; what else can various places do?), such as supporting Eastern European countries. This will make the appeal stronger and also provide the peasants with education in internationalism.

On the Issue of "Transformation." From now on, the People's Daily should not lightly proclaim that a certain place has achieved "transformation" in some respect. In some places, planting a few scattered trees is counted as greening—how can that be acceptable? This creates a shortcoming. Such propaganda can only encourage complacency. We need to go back and study what exactly counts as "transformation." Is it "transformation" when something is planted, or when it grows? Regarding the elimination of the four pests, do not lightly declare "four eliminations." This year, we will only tackle the elimination of the four pests once, gain experience, and then observe further. I do not believe we can finish many things this year.

Newspapers should not simply publicize targets; they should publicize more measures and more advanced experiences. We should promote water conservancy with slogans like "more water means more rice to eat"—this gets to the essence of the issue. When slogans are fresh, the people see the prospects and are very happy. Do not prematurely publicize "water conservancy transformation." If it is "transformed" this year, what will we do next year? What else will there be to strive for? We should leave some leeway in doing things.

After three years of bitter struggle, further struggle will still be needed. In my report "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People," I did not mention three years but rather the need to struggle for more than a decade. Do not oversimplify matters. Propaganda should leave leeway for ourselves. When discussing issues, we should take a longer view. In the future, do not casually say something has been "transformed" or that there are "four eliminations." What will we do if it later becomes a city of "four haves"? If we publicize too much, it will be difficult to mobilize later. In the world, many things have both truth and falsehood; without falsehood, there is no truth. In the midst of a movement, things are only reliable when discounted. Whatever we do, we must be more down-to-earth. Saying that three years of bitter struggle will achieve water conservancy transformation—I doubt it. If that were so, what would our descendants do in the future? In the next ten years, might we encounter several major floods or major droughts? We should consider the possibility of three major disasters and two minor ones. The issue is not decided by you or me. In three years, we can only gradually change the face. For a number of years, we can only manage the land, not yet the heavens. If a disaster comes, how will we settle that account? "Basically change the face in three years"—if a disaster occurs, then it will not be a basic change in three years. The plan should explicitly exclude major disasters and be written with leeway.

What counts as greening? Planting trees does not count as greening. True greening is when, looking down from an airplane, one sees a stretch of green. Now, looking down from an airplane, it is still a stretch of yellow. There is work to do every year; it is not that there is nothing to do. If we can eliminate the four pests in five years, that will be considered good.

In short, we must leave leeway in doing things and be practical. Grain in hand and trees in sight are what count. We must compare measures and compare actual results. Right now, many targets are not yet the property of the masses; they exist in the minds of the leadership, many still only at meetings. Let's wait and see after autumn. This year is a year of great leap forward in history; let us sum up the experience.

Propaganda work must be practical. Newspaper propaganda must be realistic. It must be thorough, meticulous, and down-to-earth. Do not just publicize targets. Currently, our propaganda only pays attention to publicizing "more and faster," but not enough to "better and more economically." If things are not good and not economical, how can the face be changed?

Liking the grand and meritorious is necessary, but big talk is not. Showiness without substance is not good. If there is showiness without substance, liking the meritorious will result in no merit. If we like the small instead of the grand, the result will be a great fanfare followed by a return with no achievements—that is not good.

Regarding the targets in the production upsurge, I am now worried whether there will be another round of opposing rash advance. This year, the drive is so great. If we do not achieve a bumper harvest, the dampened morale of the masses will be reflected in the superstructure. People in society will start talking, shouting "rash advance." Democratic personages, well-to-do middle peasants, and those within the Party with right-leaning thinking will come out and stir up a typhoon. The tide-watchers—"Upstairs they watch the moon over the vast sea, before the gate they face the Zhejiang tide"—will speak up. The masses will have complaints, and opinions will be reflected from bottom to top, influencing the superstructure. We must make this clear within the Party. The Party must be mentally prepared. Make it clear to the prefectural and county Party committees: what to do if the harvest is poor and the plan cannot be fulfilled.

Right now, our enthusiasm is very high. We must not lose steam by autumn. We must implement measures and compare actual results in December. We must look at the results; boasting does not count. In fact, it will be evident by September. If we lose the comparison, we deserve it. Do not be superficial without depth, crude without detail, showy without substance. This year, if we act like in the Pingjin Campaign and the Huaihai Campaign, there is hope for increasing production. The method is to boldly mobilize the masses and test everything through experimentation. In Hubei Province, there is a saying: "Keep your eyes wide open for the harvest; cadres take the lead; test innovations first; drive plus methods; the leap forward will be realized." Explain clearly to the peasants that some areas may suffer natural disasters. Keep your eyes wide open for the harvest, but also be prepared for no harvest. Pay special attention to deep plowing and soil replacement—it is very worthwhile. It is worth spending even several hundred workdays per mu.

Regulate the rhythm of production. Work for a period, then rest for a period. Combine labor and rest. Proceed rhythmically, advancing in waves. Continuous operations are composed of individual campaigns. After working for a while, rest for a few days—leisurely and relaxed—it is very necessary.

Compress the air. Henan wants to achieve several transformations in one year. Of course, we should not now say they have gone too far, but certain slogans need to be adjusted. Be more careful when publishing in the newspapers. Compress the air. The amount of air is still the same; the oxygen has not decreased, only compressed, turning into liquid or solid. Opposing rash advance was cutting the oxygen by half. When we compress, we must still add oxygen.