(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

The relations among the state, the autonomous regions, and the cooperatives must be handled well.

Make it clear: we must maintain close ties with the Han people, trust in Marxism, and foster mutual trust among all ethnic groups. Promote cooperation between the Mongolian and Han peoples. No matter which ethnic group one belongs to, the key is on whose side the truth lies. Marx was a Jew, and Stalin was from a minority ethnicity. Chiang Kai-shek was Han, but he was very bad, and we must resolutely oppose him. Power does not have to be held by someone from the local province; it does not matter where the person comes from—south, north, this ethnicity or that—only whether they are for communism. Marx served as secretary; do you approve or not? He was not a local either. Han leaders must clearly explain this to minority ethnic cadres.

The Han were not originally a large ethnic group but were formed through the mixing of many ethnicities. Historically, the Han conquered some minority ethnic groups, and in many places, these groups were driven up into the mountains. We should view China's ethnic issues from a historical perspective. Ultimately, should we eat the meal of nationalism or of communism? The meal of localism or of communism? Communism must come first. Ethnicity and locality are important, but the "-ism" is not.

(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

We must break superstitions: "Too many people is awful, too little land is awful." For years, we have believed that arable land is too scarce, but in fact, 2.5 mu per person is enough. Spreading pessimism by claiming there are too many people is also wrong; we should see that more people is a good thing. Actually, population control should begin when it reaches 750 million to 800 million. For now, the population is still small, and it is very difficult to get farmers to practice birth control at this time. Minority ethnic groups and provinces like Heilongjiang, Jilin, Jiangxi, Shaanxi, and Gansu will not practice birth control. Other places can experiment with birth control on a trial basis. First, be optimistic, not pessimistic; second, practice control. By the time we catch up with Britain, when people are culturally developed, they will naturally practice control.

In many matters, outsiders are more capable than insiders. This is true in performing opera: improving opera depends on the audience. Rely on outsiders.

Opium: The country uses ×× ten thousand taels annually. Yunnan currently has 300,000 taels. Do not burn the opium; collect it instead. The ban on the technological revolution can be lifted, not necessarily by July 1. It will not harm the rectification campaign. The Great Cultural Revolution can also lift the ban.

There are two methods for soil improvement: one is deep plowing, the other is rotation. Deep plowing can be done in rotation every four to five years. The Dashan Agricultural Cooperative in Juxian County, Shandong, operates this way.

The central issue now is local industry, which is also about solving the problem of machinery. Local industry has four major tasks: first, serving agriculture (fundamental); second, serving large-scale industry; third, serving the daily needs of urban residents; fourth, serving exports.

Everything that is just and full of life begins by being illegal.

Fertilizer plants: The Nanning Conference discussed having them managed uniformly by the prefecture level. Now, it seems every county can operate one.

Some of us have a misconception, thinking that exporting agricultural products is easy while importing industrial machinery is difficult. In fact, the opposite is true: dead things are easy to handle; living things are not. Agriculture is not easy. This view should be corrected—agricultural products are very valuable.

(Interjection during ××'s speech)

We must enhance the reputation of tuber crops and potatoes, classifying them as staple grains. Do not call them "miscellaneous grains."

For three years, do not reduce the size of private plots or individual pig raising. This can be mentioned. Increase the cooperative's accumulation; with less distribution, farmers should be allowed to develop some sideline occupations and increase their income. Reducing private plots means everyone should raise more pigs; two pigs won’t die. Celebrating a bumper harvest in a “thousand-catty cooperative” is different from weddings or funerals; having a meal, each person ×××—there’s no need to pour cold water on it.

Big-character posters can be promoted in rural areas. There are four benefits: first, they allow timely discussion of national affairs; second, cadres can listen to opinions; third, the masses have a convenient way to speak out; fourth, no fear of retaliation. This meeting should pass a resolution and issue a directive. Let big-character posters be widely posted in rural areas. From now on, China has big-character posters.

(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

The Beijing city wall can be dug up. Don’t dig it all at once; instead, make it broken and dilapidated.

Open up the Tongtian River, the Bailong River, and the Tao River; divert the Yangtze River to replenish the Yellow River; divert the Han River from Danjiangkou to replenish the Yellow River; divert the Yellow River to replenish the Wei River, and connect it with Beijing.

Fixed interest rates cannot be abolished. The capitalists demand abolition, but we will not abolish them. The capitalists demand the abolition of fixed interest rates to remove their labels. It is permissible for capitalists to voluntarily forgo fixed interest rates, but the labels will not be removed, and this will not be publicized. Capitalists can engage in labor.

(Chairman Mao interjects)

Why is political work not being done? Can each ministry appoint political commissars? Appointing political commissars is about creating an opposing side—to push ministers toward progress. Managing operations and managing people are two sides.

Regarding rules and regulations: Arrange and raise issues in all areas. Factory reports must be greatly reduced. Have a small group of a few people take responsibility for streamlining them. At the next meeting, present a report. And propose a revolutionary approach. Achieve a revolution in rules and regulations. Each locality should conduct specialized airings of views.

(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

Let the proletarian spirit overwhelm the bourgeois spirit; let the upright spirit overwhelm the evil spirit.

Now, there is some vagueness—not concrete. Plans require measures; without measures, workers lose confidence. Many things need specific measures to be assured. Plans must be combined with measures, or else plans will fail. Local trade unions and industrial unions should be delegated to provincial and municipal management.

When there seems to be no solution, sleep on it, wake up, and hold a meeting—then a solution will emerge.

Regarding the Sixty Articles, you must offer opinions. What should be removed? What should be added?

"Wine, lust, wealth, and vigor": Wine represents grain; lust, reproduction; wealth, finance and gold; vigor, drive and determination. Not a single one can be omitted.

(Chairman Mao interjects)

In the industrial sector, for national balance, the portion exceeding planned production should be shared between localities and the central government, with localities taking charge of allocation. Local coordination can also achieve balance. The Sixty Articles: Add one article on coordination relations.

(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

In eight years, there were only two half-years like this. Everyone should pay close attention. Last year in Zhaoyuan County, 60 percent of the per-mu yield reached 400 jin. Why can’t the Northeast, North China, and Northwest regions achieve this?

Ukraine is known as the granary of the Soviet Union. Why can’t the three northeastern provinces become China’s granary?

Chengdu’s rodent eradication experience: If we don’t do it, then don’t do it; but if we do it, eradicate them all in two weeks. Don’t drag it out.

All provincial first secretaries and ministers attending the meeting: Everyone should read Williams’ Soil Science. From it, you can clearly understand why yields increase. Soil science is the foundational science of agriculture, just like anatomy for doctors. Japanese agriculture is not particularly advanced; we can catch up through three years of arduous struggle. Do not invite them to meddle. We should invite socialist countries instead. We will absolutely not open our doors to imperialist countries. Japan is now itching to try something.

Coordination meetings should be held frequently—once a month, once every two months, but no less than once every three months. Two days each time is enough.

"Agricultural mechanization (including tractors): Should it rely mainly on local manufacturing? Or mainly on the central government? I’m afraid it will rely on local efforts—primarily self-initiated by localities, with state support as a supplement. For the first two years, fuel, steel materials, and senior technical personnel may also be primarily handled locally, with central assistance. Afterward, localities can resolve these on their own."

Tractors: Owned by cooperatives or mostly by cooperatives.

"Through three years of arduous struggle, fundamentally transform the province’s landscape. Within seven years, achieve the Forty Articles of agriculture. Achieve agricultural mechanization. Strive to complete it in five years." Can each province propose this? Especially regarding agricultural mechanization, each province can discuss it.

Do not view industrialization as too mysterious. Do not view agricultural mechanization as too mysterious. We forget one thing: with ××, many things become easier. With a gourd as a model, you can simply copy it. With mechanization, cooperativization can ultimately be consolidated. China’s agricultural mechanization can be achieved very quickly.

Small cooperatives will inevitably merge to some extent. After merging, those still unable to proceed (with mechanization) can form a union of cooperatives to do so.

(Chairman Mao interjects)

China does not need one hundred years to achieve socialism. Fifty years will suffice. In individual industries, some methods and experiences can be tested on a trial basis. Could one province be the first to enter communism?

For China’s overall agricultural mechanization, we must break outdated notions. Trial efforts can be made, and the timeline can be shortened. Outsiders solve problems more quickly. Insiders must follow the lead of outsiders. I’m afraid this is a principle. This year’s water conservancy projects—if not for comrades like Tan ××, relying solely on insiders, they would not have been completed in a hundred years.

Learning from the advanced experiences of the Soviet Union and all other countries is something we must do at all times. We must persist in this. At the same time, we must innovate and think independently, but guard against refusing to learn from foreign countries and against polarization.

What should the ownership structure of agricultural mechanization be? The Soviet Union has now changed. In the past, the Soviet Union’s tillers did not own their machines. Should ownership be by the cooperative or by larger cooperatives? If cooperatives cannot afford to purchase them, I’m afraid some loans may also be necessary.

(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

Provincial work should start from the perspective of two-thirds of the population, aiming for self-sufficiency in grain.

The simultaneous development of industry and agriculture was proposed in April 1956 in the "Ten Major Relations." Before that, we had not recognized this issue. Liaoning, dominated by industry, suffered from this for eight years. Could we have proposed simultaneous development from the very start? This question can also be studied. The timing of proposing simultaneous development might have been a bit late, but there was also a significant deviation in propaganda that consistently emphasized industrialization without placing agriculture in its proper position. The general line’s propaganda outline stressed industrialization but not agriculture. As for agricultural mechanization, it was previously discussed as something far off. Now it seems it can be realized within two to three five-year plans. In the past, there was a tendency to overlook agriculture, as if its backwardness was somehow justified.

China’s socialist construction line was gradually formed over eight years. This is not a very long time. The Chinese revolutionary line took many years to form. It was not fully formed by the 1935 Zunyi Conference; it was completed only between 1941 and 1945. During the periods of Party building, the Northern Expedition, and the Civil War, China’s own political line had not been formed. At that time, there were both “Left” and Right deviations—namely, Chen Duxiu’s Right deviationist line, and the three “Left” deviationist lines, and Wang Ming’s line during the anti-Japanese period. Under such circumstances, it was impossible to form one. From 1921 to 1942, it took twenty-one years. It was only at the ‘Seventh Congress’ that a complete political line was formed. Eight years is not long for a socialist construction line. It still cannot be considered fully formed. Another five years will probably be enough. It may also be formed through three years of arduous struggle. In the past revolution, losses were huge; during eight years of construction, we also suffered some losses, but they were not large. At the same time, during that period, we were too occupied to focus on construction. For example, the Rightist offensive from last spring to summer, the main force of the Resist-America-Aid-Korea campaign being in Korea from 1950 to 1953, and the 1955 cooperativization high tide all made it difficult to focus on construction. Understanding of things, understanding of objective laws, can only be clarified through practice. Now, if we truly focus and strive arduously for three years, the construction line can be formed. Without Chen Duxiu-ism and the Wang Ming line, there would be no basis for comparison. In the second half of 1956, when the Stalin issue arose, we held meetings every day and spent a month writing one article. Then the Polish and Hungarian incidents occurred, and our attention shifted to international matters. Only now is it possible to spare time to study construction. We have begun to explore industry. Now we must strive arduously for three years to form a Chinese socialist construction line.

The term "electrification" is not good; "electric power-ization" is better.

(When discussing achieving 400 jin per mu within three years) Don’t exaggerate too much. Still, aim to complete the five-year plan in three years, while striving for it. This speed makes one a bit worried. We can be a bit flexible and observe further.

To resolve interrelations, we need to analyze them. One type is the relationship between exploiters and the exploited—the relationship between the Rightists, the middle-of-the-roaders, and the workers is one of exploitation and being exploited. The other is the internal relations among laborers. The relationship between Party, government, trade unions, and youth league organizations on one side and workers and peasants on the other is different from the relations among ordinary laborers because of the existence of the “Five Airs” (bureaucratic, etc.). It is not a relationship of equality, not the relationship of ordinary laborers, but one between officials and the people. In this sense, it is the same as the Kuomintang. The "Five Airs" are bequeathed to us by the bourgeoisie. Coming from the old society, we naturally have them. Merely transforming ownership is not enough; workers and peasants still do not feel that we are on equal footing with them, and they do not criticize us. The rectification and anti-Rightist campaigns resolved these two aspects: opposing the Rightists while also criticizing cadres, and cadres’ rectification resolved the issue of relations between leaders and the led. This made the workers feel truly liberated, and their enthusiasm for production soared. In the past, they worked for officials: “Piecework charges ahead; on hourly pay, dawdle and slack off”—just like under the Kuomintang, they strove for the "Five Big Items." The first is ownership; the second, interrelations; the third, distribution—this is economics. Ownership and distribution have been transformed, but interrelations have not yet been reformed. Workers’ consciousness has greatly improved. They say: “The Eighth Route Army has returned.” We must seize this matter. In all places where it has not been carried out thoroughly, we must continue.

(Interjection during Wu De's speech)

(When discussing the need to overcome the bureaucratic air of making others work without lifting a finger oneself, the lethargy of settling for the status quo, the air of complaint blaming heaven and earth, and the system where plans are always grandiose in spring but shrink in autumn) That plans do not match reality—this is very noteworthy. Last year’s grain output was 370 billion jin; this year it is 470 billion jin. Is it reliable or not? There is lethargy—this is very noteworthy.

(Interjection during ×××'s speech)

Construct terraced fields everywhere on the hills, and build fish-scale pits.

Is it true that old areas where the democratic revolution occurred earlier are less active in the socialist revolution? Two years ago, Hebei and the Northwest both showed some such tendencies; ten years ago, northern Shaanxi had this situation. In the past, old land reform areas showed somewhat weaker vigor for socialism. The reason is that in new areas, cooperatives were introduced immediately after land reform, so the masses did not become accustomed to the "New Democratic Order"—which was actually a capitalist democratic order and a development of capitalism. The idea of continuous revolution stems from this. Last year, there were changes, which is a good phenomenon.

There are three provinces in the country with populations of 17 million each, namely Shaanxi, Jiangxi, and Guangxi. For those places where targets have been set too high, the air also needs to be compressed.

Manual deep plowing of land should be widely promoted. Plow part of it each year. Finish plowing in three to five years, which can ensure three to five years of good harvests—this is a fundamental improvement in soil construction. *People’s Daily* should publicize soil science.

An agricultural tool exhibition (including human-powered tools, not only for farming but also for processing and transportation) should be organized by April this year.

Soviet technology exports: We imitate them closely. It's not so mysterious. Don’t be superstitious about industrialization or mechanization. Don’t be superstitious about scientists either. A part of scientists’ thinking is always unscientific.

We should all find a university to be professors together, issuing appointment letters, giving lectures once a month, a few times a year. Follow Ke Qingshi’s example—everyone must have written works. Comrades present here, members of the Central Committee, should write two essays a year: one on professional work, one on politics, embodying both specialization and political integrity to the fullest.

In China, historically, men have been farmers and women have been workers. Women are involved in food production, textiles... Men produce raw materials, which is why men tend to be coarse.

(When discussing rural industrial development) For relatively larger ventures, it’s best for the township government to take the lead. Implement state-commune-private joint ventures. The state doesn’t necessarily need to invest; a share of the profits can be distributed as dividends.

Secondary technical schools should all be placed under local administration. Allocate one-third of their students to local areas, or two-thirds, or one-half. Agricultural colleges should be entirely under local control, while medical colleges should have one-third under central control.

(Chairman Mao interjects)

(When discussing the issue of streamlining the railway's three vehicle organizational structure) This is a matter of labor organization. Which of the two forms is better? There’s no rush to draw a conclusion, and the Ministry of Railways shouldn’t claim they’ve scoured the entire world and found no precedent for this.

(When discussing work-study programs) Capitalist countries practice half-work, half-study. Focusing solely on book learning is the worst—seeing books but not real objects, divorced from reality, and physically inactive. It doesn’t necessarily mean full self-sufficiency; there can be semi-self-sufficiency, or one-quarter self-sufficiency. The principle is not to study exclusively; we must combine study and labor. Our nation is both poor and blank. The money saved should be used to establish more schools. Primary and secondary schools can be expanded on a large scale, and agricultural schools should also be developed. Only by advancing education can we catch up with Britain. Socialism cannot be built relying on illiteracy.

The Soviet Union has several million intellectuals; we need tens of millions of intellectuals. This is what the United States fears.

(Chairman Mao interjects)

(When discussing the Water Conservancy Bureau’s opposition to building the eastern canal) Scientists are unscientific. The Water Conservancy Bureau should publish a self-criticism in the newspaper. Grass planting is very important and must be included; the ground surface must be covered with grass.

Whenever a problem is raised, various localities will find ways to solve it. The Nanning Conference merely proposed that some local industries should catch up with the total output value of agriculture, without offering any methods. Yet now, various localities have come up with solutions on their own.

In the four northwestern provinces, Shanxi, Heilongjiang, Jilin, Mongolia, and other ethnic minority regions, birth control should not be promoted. Even within this province, distinctions should be made by region.

Wheat ears are too short. How can we research and cultivate a new variety with very long ears? That would be excellent.

(When discussing the issue of mass fundraising) If we don’t do it, nothing happens; once we do it, we raise so much. That’s just how our nation is.

(When discussing eliminating the four pests and eradicating illiteracy) Through free airing of views and raising issues, over a few weeks, the situation changes dramatically. Peasants are not necessarily that conservative.

(Interjections during someone’s speech)

Nationwide public-private partnerships will abolish fixed interest rates, and Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, Qinghai, and other ethnic minority regions will also eliminate them.

(Interjections during Wang Enmao’s speech)

The reform experience in pastoral areas is very good. Because they are surrounded by socialism, they feel uneasy, just as Tibet feels uneasy.

China has forged a path of experience: the growth of cooperatives. This applies to both agriculture and animal husbandry...

At the next meeting, we must center on industry, and everyone should delve into it. We’ll hold such a meeting in June or July, and the meeting after that will discuss culture and education. Please be prepared. Commerce also needs to be discussed. The central and local authorities should work together in joint offices.

Xinjiang is geographically dispersed, so processing factories must be established in a decentralized manner. Mobile processing plants for cotton ginning, flour making, oil pressing, and chemical fertilizers can be used. This method can be applied in sparsely populated areas. For 25,000 yuan, a mobile automotive processing plant can be set up. In places with abundant water, mobile processing plants on boats can be established.

Don’t assume the world is perfectly peaceful. It’s normal for things not to be peaceful; it’s just a matter of a finger’s worth. But we cannot let it spread unchecked. If we don’t pay early attention, it will infect—one turning into two, two into three—and if it grows, it could lead to widespread chaos.

(When discussing ethnic nationalists hoping for a Hungarian-style incident) That’s the essence right there. One of the topics at the Third Plenary Session is nationalism. In the past, we opposed Han chauvinism, and now we’re in an active position. Comrade Xiaoping raised this issue in his report, which drew objections.

Many people couldn’t see clearly in the past, such as Li Shinong. In Shandong, of eight prefectural committees, two opposed the provincial committee, two supported it, and four were undecided in the middle, but they later swung over. However, it wasn’t thoroughly addressed, and the issue remains unresolved. Right now, the provincial committee’s directives aren’t effective—this is also a lesson learned.

First comes the elimination of class, then the elimination of the state, and then the disappearance of ethnicities. This is the way of the whole world.

(Interjections during someone’s speech)

There are two scenarios. One involves anti-Party cliques, as seen in eight provinces and regions: Guangdong, Guangxi, Anhui, Zhejiang, Shandong, Xinjiang, and Qinghai. They aim to overthrow the leadership and take command themselves. The other scenario is like Sichuan’s case—rightist activity. Is this pattern present in every province, with similarities and differences? This is the law of class struggle. As class struggle reaches this stage, bourgeois elements hidden within the Party will inevitably be exposed. It would be strange if they didn’t surface. The ideological trends within the Party deserve attention. What is the current state of class struggle? We can discuss and analyze it.

Delving into industry, agriculture, and class struggle is about seeking Marxism. Of course, in terms of professional areas, there are also culture, education, and commerce. A considerable part of culture, education, and commerce belongs to class struggle. We need to study Marxism-Leninism progressively, to research theory, and to study Marxism in connection with solving current practical problems.

The double-share plow couldn’t be used not because of objective limitations but because of ideological inflexibility and mental rigidity. This shows that ideology is the commander. Ideological trends must be treated as an issue of class struggle and taken hold of first. Regular discussions among committee members are necessary. It’s not good if we don’t discuss these things in ordinary times, if we’re unaware of them. Some provinces talk little about ideology and are not conscious of it, but in Shandong, problems emerge as soon as a meeting is held.

Is there a question of two lines here? One is "more, faster, better, more economical," and the other is "fewer, slower, poorer, more costly." Are there such lines? Clearly, there are: one emphasizes drainage, bigness, and reliance on the state; the other emphasizes storage, smallness, and reliance on the masses. Isn’t this two lines? Draining away water is the route of Yu the Great, starting from a grand perspective and relying on the state (in the past, many reservoirs were built relying on the state). Now, we prioritize storage, small-scale projects, and mass self-organization. Henan’s water conservancy efforts embody this struggle between two lines.

Agriculture is somewhat more difficult than industry. Blindness is overcome gradually. Blindness means failing to recognize objective necessity, and thus having no freedom. What is freedom? It is the understanding of the objective world, of objective necessity. Freedom is the comprehension of necessity. Freedom and necessity are opposites. So-called blindness means lacking awareness of necessity. Farmers apply fertilizer knowing it works but not why it works. Without understanding agriculture, there is no freedom. Understanding of the objective world is gradual and cannot happen all at once. For example, Huai River drainage control was invented by Zeng Xisheng. He was a pivotal figure. Before him, a monk named Zhang Fenglin from the Taihang Mountains in Shanxi and a hired farmhand in Gaoyang County invented a method for water control using "fish-scale pits." Now it’s promoted nationwide. His approach was storage, small-scale, and mass-based, not drainage, bigness, and state-reliance—though his system was not that refined. With help from many of our comrades, it was systematized. Summarizing experiences like that of the Mang River led to patterns like "grape clusters" and "scattered stars." Priority goes to storage, small-scale, and mass-based, though drainage and large-scale state projects are also needed. The line for socialist construction is being formed step by step. It can’t yet be said to be fully formed; it will take at least another five years—three years of arduous struggle plus two more. If no major disruptions occur in industry and agriculture, the line will be about right and we can say it has taken shape. Over five years plus eight, totaling thirteen years, paying a certain price—undoubtedly some waste, some hardship for the masses, extended time, a bit of anxiety—but the achievements will be the main outcome.

Catching up with Britain in fifteen years and the United States in twenty years—then we’ll be free. In learning from the Soviet Union, we should first learn from its line. Stalin was basically correct, but he made errors. They didn’t develop industry and agriculture simultaneously and opposed combining large, medium, and small scales. We combine large, medium, and small, basing our foundation on the small, relying on localities and small operations. The central government handles standard design, personnel, and technology. Blindness is overcome gradually; objective necessity is understood step by step. Before it’s overcome, that is blindness, being a slave to nature. In social struggles, before the anti-rightist campaign last year, we were also slaves, because we didn’t fully understand the objective phenomenon of the rightists! Not recognizing class struggle in a socialist country, not understanding the objective world, makes one a slave to the objective world.

(When discussing achieving the goals of the Agricultural Development Outline) Liaoning says three years, Guangdong says five—these are the leftists. Three years might be difficult; it can be three to five years. Set a longer timeline above and let the grassroots surpass it.

(When discussing industrial accidents during labor) Industry has them too. Paying this small price to catch up with Britain is necessary. Each province should be prepared for five hundred deaths a year—over ten thousand nationally per year, a hundred thousand over ten years. We must be mentally prepared.

Excessive chemical fertilizer damages soil quality. Natural fertilizers should remain the mainstay.

Henan leads the nation in water conservancy, reaching 48 million mu.

At this meeting, we should reach a consensus on timeframes. Eliminating the four pests can take three to five years: a one-year blitz, three years of expansion, and the final year to wrap up. Grain: five to ten years. Afforestation: three to five years. This way, we have two sets of targets, allowing flexibility, which is better.

Industrial development must align with purchasing power; otherwise, what if industrial products lack a market, like in Hungary? Industrial products must balance with purchasing power—this is a principle.

Reduce the scale of Party, government, military, and commercial institutions, and expand technical institutions.

(Interjections during Xie Fuzhi’s speech)

Before the Ming Dynasty, Yunnan was inhabited by ethnic minorities; settlement by others only began later.

(When discussing water conservancy) Now, let’s calculate on a three-year timeline for large-scale water conservancy construction. Currently, we’re carrying out political campaigns to produce more grain. Cooperatives can now consider, except in sparsely populated areas, forming large-scale co-ops. We can discuss this. Of course, this doesn’t mean they return and merge immediately, but within five years. Mergers should happen gradually.

Rural housing is very unsanitary. Within ten years, it should be converted to brick houses, eliminating thatched huts. This is not a matter of patriotism or not. Qingdao and Changchun are the best; Chengdu doesn’t measure up to Chongqing, and Kaifeng doesn’t measure up to Qingdao. There should be a plan to change this within ten years. The houses should be designed nicely, avoiding feudalism. Standard designs should be developed, adapting to local conditions. Cooperatives that have enjoyed several good harvests can gradually start building houses for farmers. Work hard for seven to ten years to fundamentally transform the state of rural housing. Tear down city walls; Beijing should follow the example of Tianjin and Shanghai.

Newspapers function as a materials department; they reflect issues quickly and frequently pose questions to us.

In the past, many bourgeois elements were running things in factories. After the anti-rightist campaign, the factories haven’t been ruined; on the contrary, they’ve improved. This is a reform of the relations of production.

Cadres at the central level who haven’t had a chance to learn will eventually lose out in comparison. Losing in comparison is also fine—we go down, you come up, going all the way down to becoming ordinary people.

(Interjections during Zhou Lin’s speech)

The claim that classical authors didn’t discuss contradictions among the people is incorrect. Lenin said: "A serious party openly admits its mistakes to the masses, identifies the causes of those mistakes, and corrects them." This is precisely about handling contradictions among the people, though it wasn’t stated in those exact terms. Within the working class and the Communist Party, there is often disunity and unevenness. Are we so unified? If we don’t meet for three months, we’ll lose that unity. Individuals receive different intelligence, materials, and viewpoints, leading to disunity. Meetings are held precisely to reach consensus. If we were already unified, why would we need meetings?

Those who haven’t done a good job in rectification must make up the lessons. Otherwise, problems will eventually surface someday.

Abolishing corporal punishment—beatings, scoldings, and executions—in the military, isn’t that handling contradictions among the people? The Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention, aren’t those policies for adjusting contradictions? Weren’t these policies implemented only after prolonged effort?

Every province and municipality must be prepared for a bit of trouble—unrest among the masses or among the leadership. Be mentally prepared. Don’t offer a Khrushchev-style reply: "There are no contradictions." Dulles observed that many people harbored illusions about the report on contradictions among the people. He read it several times and saw that holding such illusions was dangerous. Speaking as the commander-in-chief of the global bourgeoisie, he pointed out this danger. Some British newspapers have correct views, but Dulles also caught a whiff of the climate. Last spring, Poland supported that article, Chinese rightists supported it, but the leftists shook their heads. The Soviet Union now dares to speak of contradictions among the people but doesn’t mention contradictions between leaders and the led. Dulles greatly appreciated my article, and they paid close attention to the July 1 editorial. They are very attentive to these things of ours. The bourgeoisie carefully studies these things; why don’t our cadres pay attention to studying them? Why does U.S. imperialism pay attention to our movements? Because it is heading toward extinction and always wants to spot our weaknesses, clutching at reeds as if they were ferries.

Provincial and municipal authorities should focus on industry for a while—one month, or at least two weeks if not a month—and then convene a meeting in Beijing. Attention must also be paid to ideology and theory, as these form the guiding principle. From now on, Marxism-Leninism must always be on our lips. At present, political economy, dialectics, and natural sciences are neglected in favor of departmental economics alone. In the future, a touch of theoretical depth should be added—newspaper editorials should also carry a hint of theoretical flavor, and we should take pride in this.

Large cooperatives may establish some processing plants, ultimately to be run by townships or jointly by several townships, with county-level operation and cooperative assistance. Handicraft cooperatives may also engage in industrial and mining ventures.

(Regarding the transfer of shares by industrial and commercial households to the commercial federation) Accepting this passivity is beneficial internally but not externally. Taking only one hundred yuan a year, we must thoroughly strip the bourgeoisie of its political capital. Hats should be put on them—this works to our advantage. They must be compelled to comply. Once they hand over their shares, they will hold no shares, wear no hats, and the political capital will be in our hands.

Pool the wisdom and efforts of the masses. "Pooling wisdom" means encouraging open airing of views and letting everyone contribute ideas; "pooling efforts" means getting everyone involved in action. This approach has existed since ancient times.

Now, the unscientific atmosphere must be turned around.

(Regarding the pledge-taking by democratic parties) It can be done, and confessing one's heart is acceptable, but do not force submission. Additionally, help them mobilize intellectuals to participate.

(Regarding the issue of labor intensity in factories, where working during the day and posting big-character posters at night leads to workplace injuries) It should be reported. Emphasis must be placed on technological revolution, and the quantity of big-character posters should not be pursued for its own sake.

(Concerning unrest among ethnic minorities) It should be resolved using the methods for handling contradictions among the people, not through warfare. The incident in Guizhou differs from that in western Sichuan; in western Sichuan, there were fifty thousand guns, and they attacked us first.

When going to minority areas, it is necessary to criticize past injustices of bullying minorities as wrong. After liberation, we also had shortcomings, like one faulty finger among ten. If this point is not regularly raised with the masses, their attitudes may change.

For the Tibetan rebellion in western Sichuan, eight captures and eight releases, or a hundred captures and a hundred releases, would surpass Zhuge Liang’s seven captures and seven releases by ninety-three captures and ninety-three releases. As for Du Yuming and Wang Yaowu, preparations should also be made to release them.

(Interjection during Ke Qingshi’s speech)

(Regarding industrial production competitions) The fundamental solution to this issue is to overthrow capitalism and imperialism, establish a world government, an earth government, and divide labor and cooperation under a five-year plan.

(Addressing rectification and reform work) This differs from last spring. Last spring was clouded by contradictions between the enemy and ourselves, which were unclear. Now, combating conservatism has a sharper focus than combating waste. When criticizing leadership, the more criticism leaders receive, the more comfortable they feel.

The attitudes of intellectuals and scientists are also changing. For these individuals, change either never happens or comes in sudden leaps.

Some people who used to write frequently are now not writing, because they are still in a transitional state—the old has been shattered, but the new has yet to be established. Capitalist thinking has been largely broken down, while the proletarian outlook is not yet fully established; what little exists is insufficient, so writing is difficult. In time, they will write again.

(Regarding the significant shift in attitudes among hooligan workers and "kings of rejects" during rectification) In the past, much bourgeois thinking still dominated our Party, and the workers and peasants had not yet risen. Now that has changed. Once the proletarian spirit rises, proletarian freedom expands—freedom in all directions, so to speak. Bourgeois thinking must be completely extinguished. Those who feel constrained are those whose bourgeois thinking has not yet been fully eradicated. The extent to which bourgeois thinking is eliminated determines the extent of proletarian freedom. If you have your freedom, I lose mine. The "king of rejects," originally governed by bourgeois thinking, had his capitalist outlook extinguished by the fifth day, and the proletarian spirit rose.

The middle-of-the-roaders dare not write at present. Only when the proletariat is fully awakened will they enjoy great freedom and be able to produce written works.

This is a transitional period, and what is needed in fiction is not grand works but timely novellas and short stories that reflect reality, akin to the works of Lu Xun. Lu Xun never wrote any massive works, did he? These are turbulent times; everyone is extremely busy, and intellectuals have yet to be properly reformed. Major works cannot be produced now. The same applies to us—we have not created anything on our own; we merely promote the creations of the masses and subordinates. How can one promote good things without staying close to the masses? Literary creation is the same—one must draw near to the people and listen to the voices of the people and lower-level cadres.

Without democracy, where does centralism come from? In the past, the phrase "democratic centralism" within the international scope was an empty phrase.

Because centralism is built on democracy, without democracy, effective centralism is impossible. Democratic centralism means democracy first, then centralism. Without genuine democracy, how can the enthusiasm and creativity of the masses be unleashed?

The label of rightist can also be removed, entirely depending on self-reform. When this opposing side, the rightists, turns around and challenges us, it can also become a driving force for advancing work.

The school system and curricula should be studied and modified by provinces and municipalities; only with model cases can education authorities carry out reforms. Historically, any unified practice has always moved from typical examples to widespread application.

Confucius was one school of thought among many. It was only during the Han dynasty that the government promoted and popularized it, allowing that one school to flourish.

On the issue of abolishing fixed interest, we should prepare to be passive and never relax our stance; this works to our advantage.

The higher portion of capitalist salaries is intended for "redemption," the aim being to strip away their political capital entirely and completely. This must be explained clearly to the workers. The working class must not compare itself with the bourgeoisie—such comparison is impossible and must not be made; these are two incomparable classes. For capitalists drawing excessively high salaries, it may be better to leave them unchanged, as any change would backfire and increase their political capital. When they enjoy a "five-dish meal," they are politically passive; their high salaries render their voices weak.

We should make friends with middle-of-the-roaders and also seek out a few rightists to befriend and engage with. Now, even we Central Committee members are afraid to have any association with rightists—how can that work? How can we understand them then?

Some leftists, such as Deng Chumin, are genuinely leftist on theoretical issues but not truly leftist on political matters.

(On cultivating theoretical cadres) Theory now lags behind practice.

(Interjection during Tao Zhu’s speech)

The general line, as far as the whole Party is concerned, has gradually become complete. When it was first raised, industrialization was not yet entirely complete. Without this socialist revolution, it would have been impossible to root out counterrevolutionaries among primary school teachers—a problem that remained unresolved during the democratic revolution period.

One lesson from Shandong is that rightists were not identified, not thoroughly discredited and exposed, leaving right and wrong unclear. Open airing of views was insufficient, resulting in ineffective leadership now. In Guangdong, the issue was dealt with more thoroughly.

Youth workers, young peasants, young students, and idle youth nationwide truly require proper education. Through open airing of views, they must understand just how vast the world is and how deep it goes.

Snowflake cream could be produced according to Marxist principles, but during these three years of bitter struggle, it’s fine not to produce it.

Education against localism must be conducted in all provinces and municipalities nationwide.

Localists are, in fact, rightists—representatives of the bourgeoisie within the Party.

How exactly should Wang Ming be handled? Expulsion won’t work, and bringing him up for discussion is unnecessary. It’s advantageous to let him remain in the Soviet Union; we can revisit the matter in twenty years, after catching up with Britain.

Rightists must be expelled from the Party—how could local nationalists not be expelled from the Party?

Educationalism is of a bourgeois nature and relatively easy to reform. Rightists are reactionaries within the bourgeoisie and are not easy to reform; the two are different.

Without southern Bolsheviks going to the Northeast, North China, and Northwest to establish base areas—taking the north first, then the south—how could the revolution have succeeded? Now, transferring southern cadres northward and exchanging cadres across regions for mutual permeation benefits the work.

No concessions should be made to localism. Send a batch of outsiders to Guangdong; a batch of Guangdong cadres can be transferred to Beijing. Mix clay into sand, and sand into clay, to improve the soil. The world is like eight-treasure rice—you cannot discard all except the one-tenth and nine-tenths suiting your taste. The policy of mixing is advantageous. At the district and township levels, it’s fine to keep things homogeneous; at the county level, mix in external cadres. Now, those in charge at provincial and regional levels are mostly from elsewhere, and they feel their reasoning lacks confidence and their spirit lacks force when opposing localism. A Leninist approach should be adopted: "Rather than let you exercise dictatorship, I will exercise it."

This time, it is essentially a Party purge. Removing two hundred thousand, a million, or five or six hundred thousand out of twelve million Party members is not excessive. This is larger in scale than several Soviet purges but better in method, conducted through the masses and democracy.

If more sales outlets are established, the phenomenon of queuing for purchases can be eliminated.

General lines and laws always emerge through repeated processes; a law is something that regularly appears. The economic situation in the United States saw an increase of seven hundred thousand unemployed in February, reaching 5.2 million. From recession to depression to crisis. The Soviet Union’s 20th Congress had flaws in its assessment of capitalism.

At the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee, the issue of socialism was clearly addressed, though not openly disclosed until 1953. The reason was the need to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea, economic recovery, and land reform. However, eighty percent of what was carried out was socialist, and twenty percent semi-socialist. Not speaking openly at the time involved tactical considerations—such as the sugar-coated bullets of Sun Wukong, which were not suitable for public discourse. Deng Lao completely ignored the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee; he pursued the "Four Great Freedoms," claiming it as experience drawn from Henan. Why seek guidance from Henan instead of taking lessons from Xibaipo?

The Second Plenary Session was by no means a sudden development. Throughout the democratic revolution, ideological preparations had been made. During the democratic revolution, we already discerned elements of socialism. For instance, when fighting local tyrants and dividing land in Jiangxi, many socialist elements were evident. At that time, the Red Army bore arms yet spoke of equality to the common people—that was socialism. The ploughing teams among the masses were also sprouts of socialism. Back then in northern Shaanxi, it was already being said that this was a different kind of revolution. At that time, a cooperative combining safety with concentration was discovered in Ansai, which aroused great interest, and mutual-aid teams were promoted. These laid the groundwork for the Second Plenary Session. However, not enough people were awakened. Deng Lao, for example, continued to rely on the "Four Great Freedoms" without consulting the Central Committee. I said his bourgeois thinking was deep-rooted, but he absolutely refused to admit it until July 30, 1955, when he finally laid down his arms. Thus, Deng Lao has bourgeois thinking, but as a person, he is good and capable of reform. As an ideological issue, through serious treatment and unwavering principles, it can be thoroughly rectified. Yet some comrades sidestep the sharp edges, displaying magnanimity—nothing more than fear of awkward relations, difficulty working together, or losing votes. A Marxist should not conceal his own views. I told Deng Lao that we must reform your thinking—not remove you from the deputy premiership or expel you from the Central Committee—but that within the Party, there must be serious struggle against many erroneous ideas. On matters of principle, communists must take a clear stance. Some, however, fear being accused of "attacking others to elevate oneself," fostering a rather vulgar atmosphere. If you don’t plant your banner on the ideological front, others will plant theirs.

The revolutionary line endured hardships. In economic construction, we must not blindly follow the Soviet Union; without breaking away from blind faith, it will hinder the correct implementation of the construction line.

(Interjection during Wang Renzhong’s speech)

The momentum of 1958 began at the Third Plenary Session. Many things were unexpected, such as the Stalin issue in 1956, the events in Hungary and Poland, and the anti-rash advance of 1956. At the time, the socialist revolution was thought to involve only the question of ownership, without realizing that this was merely a small part—there were also other aspects of the relations of production.

Rightists and the anti-rash advance both exerted pressure on us. Problems also existed in the relations between cadres and the masses among the people, leaving us far from comfortable. Through rectification and the anti-rightist campaign, relations changed, and everyone’s thinking was liberated. For example, the frugality of railway workers alone could fund the construction of six thousand kilometers of railway.

"Technology determines everything"—does that mean political ideology is discarded? "Cadres determine everything"—so the masses are no longer needed? The comprehensive formulation is to be both red and expert. Combine leadership with the masses; emphasize both technology and political ideology; value both cadres and the masses; maintain both democracy and centralism.