Under the leadership of the Communist Party, the Chinese people achieved a fundamental victory in establishing socialist ownership in 1956. In 1957, the Party launched the Rectification Campaign and again secured a basic victory on both the ideological and political fronts. That same year, we overfulfilled the First Five-Year Plan. Thus, with more than 600 million people united under the Party’s leadership, they came to clearly understand their own future and responsibilities, while simultaneously repelling the anti-Party, anti-people, and anti-socialist reactionary winds whipped up by the bourgeois rightists. At the same time, the Party and the people have corrected—and are continuing to correct—certain shortcomings and errors stemming from subjectivism that were inherited from the old society. The Party has become even more united, the morale of the people has risen significantly, and relations between the Party and the masses have greatly improved. We are now witnessing an unprecedented surge of enthusiasm and creativity among the broad masses in the production front. Inspired by the slogan to catch up with or surpass Britain in steel and other major industrial products within fifteen years or so, a new wave of production is already building and gaining momentum. To meet these new conditions, it has become necessary to make certain adjustments in the working methods of Party committees at all levels, both central and local. Not all of the following points are entirely new; some have been accumulated over many years, while others are newly proposed. These guidelines are the result of joint deliberations held in January 1958 by comrades from the central and local organs during the Hangzhou Conference and the Nanning Conference. Most of them were inspired by the remarks made by comrades at those meetings, which I then further developed and put into writing. A portion consists directly of recorded opinions expressed by comrades; one important provision (concerning rules and regulations) was jointly agreed upon by ××× and local comrades and drafted by him, whereas my direct contribution accounts for only a small part. It should be noted that what follows does not consist solely of working methods: some items pertain to specific tasks, while others outline theoretical principles. Nevertheless, working methods constitute the dominant element. Our primary objective at present is to achieve progress in our working methods so as to better align them with the requirements of the changed political situation. The present set of guidelines is merely a proposal and remains open for comments. Whether any items will be deleted or additional ones added has yet to be decided. Comrades are requested to study these proposals carefully, offer their views for revision, and submit them to the Politburo for approval before they can be promulgated as official internal documents.

Mao Zedong
January 31, 1958

(I) Party committees at the county level and above must focus on socialist construction. There are fourteen areas of particular importance:

1. Industry; 2. Handicrafts; 3. Agriculture; 4. Rural sideline industries; 5. Forestry; 6. Fisheries; 7. Animal husbandry; 8. Transportation; 9. Commerce; 10. Finance and banking; 11. Labor, wages, and population; 12. Science; 13. Education and culture; 14. Public health.

(II) Party committees at the county level and above should prioritize socialist industrial work. This also comprises fourteen aspects: 1. Production targets; 2. Product quality; 3. New product development; 4. New technologies; 5. Advanced work norms; 6. Conservation of raw materials and the search for substitutes; 7. Organization of labor, labor protection, and wage benefits; 8. Costs; 9. Production preparation and working capital; 10. Division of labor and cooperation among enterprises; 11. Balance between supply, production, and sales; 12. Geological exploration; 13. Comprehensive utilization of resources; 14. Design and construction. These represent a preliminary draft, which should gradually evolve into a forty-point program for industrial development.

(III) Party committees at all levels must concentrate on socialist agricultural work. Here too, there are fourteen key areas: 1. Yield targets; 2. Irrigation; 3. Fertilizers; 4. Soil improvement; 5. Seeds; 6. Cultivation system reforms (such as expanding double-cropping, shifting from late to early planting, or converting dryland to paddy fields); 7. Pest and disease control; 8. Mechanization (including modern farm implements, two-wheeled plows, water pumps, tractors suited to China’s diverse regions, and motorcycle-powered transport vehicles); 9. Intensive cultivation; 10. Livestock raising; 11. Side-line activities; 12. Afforestation; 13. Eradication of the “Four Pests”; 14. Disease prevention and hygiene. These fourteen points have been selected from the broader forty-point agricultural development plan, though all forty points must ultimately be implemented. The purpose of highlighting these specific areas is to establish priorities. By addressing the main issues first, the overall situation will naturally improve.

(IV) Comprehensive planning, repeated inspections, and year-end evaluations. These three methods are crucial. Through them, both the big picture and the details can be grasped, allowing for timely summarization of experience, consolidation of achievements, and correction of mistakes. They also serve to motivate the masses and encourage vigorous advancement.

(V) Look at five years through the lens of three, at three years through the lens of the first year, and at each year through the preceding winter. This is a method for seizing opportunities. By focusing on key moments, we can achieve greater results.

(VI) Conduct at least four inspections annually. Central and provincial-level bodies should inspect once per quarter, while lower-level organizations should act according to local circumstances. For particularly important tasks that have not yet gotten on track, monthly inspections are recommended. This too is a way of seizing opportunities, specifically within the scope of a single year.

(VII) How should evaluations be conducted? Compare provinces with provinces, counties with counties, communes with communes, factories with factories, mines with mines, and construction sites with construction sites. Evaluation agreements may or may not be drawn up. Agricultural units are relatively easier to evaluate. Industrial enterprises can be assessed based on comparable conditions, organized by industry.

(VIII) When should plans be submitted? Provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities directly under the central government, prefectures, and counties must all formulate plans according to the three sets of fourteen items mentioned earlier. When drafting these plans, it is essential to set clear priorities and avoid attempting to undertake everything at once. Plans at the district, township, and commune levels should primarily focus on the fourteen agricultural items. Specific projects may be adjusted upward or downward based on local conditions. Initially, five-year plans can be prepared in broad strokes. All such plans must be submitted by July 1, 1958. They will be reviewed at each successive level. To facilitate comparison, provincial committees should select a few of the best and a few of the worst plans from among those submitted by counties, districts, townships, and communes and forward them to the central authorities for review. Both provincial and prefectural plans must be submitted to the central government on schedule, without exception.

(IX) Three sets of production records should be maintained. The central authorities will keep two: one containing plans that are absolutely to be fulfilled—this set will be made public—and another containing plans that are expected to be fulfilled but will remain confidential. Local authorities will also maintain two sets of records, with the first set corresponding to the central government’s second set and thus being binding locally, while the second set represents projected targets and will not be disclosed. Evaluations will be based on the central government’s second set of records.

(X) Starting this year, central and provincial, municipal, and autonomous region party committees should place particular emphasis on industry and economic-trade work. Inspections should be carried out at least four times a year, primarily in July (or August), November, and early January. If this is not done, the goal of catching up with Britain within fifteen years may prove unattainable. Several key leading cadres responsible for industrial and economic-trade affairs should be invited to attend meetings where local work is discussed—central-level officials to local venues, and provincial, municipal, and autonomous region leaders to prefectural, city-affiliated district, and county-level gatherings. Many cadres currently working at the central level, as well as their counterparts at the local level, have voiced this very demand.

(XI) Each locality’s industrial output value—including that of factories and mines transferred from central management, as well as the output of previously local state-owned industries and handicrafts—should exceed its agricultural output within five, seven, or ten years. All provinces and cities should immediately begin formulating plans to achieve this, completing them by July 1 of this year. The primary task is to ensure that industry genuinely serves agriculture. Everyone must thoroughly assess the industrial sector and gain a clear understanding of its current state.

(XII) Within the next five, six, seven, or eight years, the provisions of the forty-point agricultural development plan should be fully implemented. Provincial committees, municipal committees of cities directly under the central government, and committees of autonomous regions should give serious consideration to this matter. On a national scale, it may not be feasible to complete all forty points within five years; however, six or seven years might be achievable, and eight years would make it even more likely.

(XIII) Ten years depend on three. Strive to fundamentally transform the appearance of most areas within three years. In other regions, the timeframe may be slightly extended, with the slogan “three years of arduous struggle.” The approach is to fully mobilize the masses and allow for experimentation in all areas.

(XIV) Oppose waste. During the Rectification Campaign, each unit should devote several days to launching a campaign against wasteful practices. Every factory, cooperative, store, government office, school, and military unit must carry out a thorough campaign to combat waste. Such campaigns should be held annually going forward.

(XV) What constitutes an appropriate ratio of accumulation to consumption in our national economy is a major issue closely tied to the rapid development of China’s economy. It is hoped that comrades will conduct research on this topic.

(XVI) The ratio of accumulation to consumption in agricultural cooperatives also requires study. Comrades from Hubei have suggested that, based on the 1957 figures for production and distribution, any subsequent increases in output should be divided 40/60—that is, 40 percent allocated to members and 60 percent retained as cooperative reserves. Alternatively, a 50/50 split or even a reversed 40/60 arrangement could be considered. If production and income have reached the level of a prosperous middle-peasant household in the locality, and after conducting a mass discussion to obtain the consent of the majority, it might be appropriate to adopt a 30/70 split for additional output—30 percent to members and 70 percent to the cooperative—as a temporary measure to increase reserves in preparation for a Great Leap Forward. This suggestion should be widely debated across different regions.

(XVII) The contradiction between the collective economy and individual economies needs to be resolved, and an appropriate ratio established. Currently, in some areas, the proportion of income derived from individual activities and private plots within a farming household often reaches 60 or 70 percent, leaving only 30 or 40 percent attributable to the collective economy. This situation inevitably undermines farmers’ enthusiasm for participating in the socialist collective economy. It is imperative to change this pattern. Provinces can organize mass discussions to explore ways to regulate these economic relationships, making appropriate adjustments based on encouraging farmers’ productive initiative and comprehensive development. Over several years, the ratio of individual to collective income in farming households could gradually be brought to 3:7 or even 2:8—that is, members receiving 70 or 80 percent of their total income from the cooperative.

(XVIII) Widespread promotion of experimental fields. This is a highly significant leadership method. Through it, our Party’s approach to economic leadership will undergo a rapid transformation: in rural areas, experimental fields will play a central role, while in urban settings, attention can be focused on advanced factories, workshops, and work sections, using breakthroughs in specific areas to drive overall progress.

(XIX) Focus on both ends to lead the middle. This is an excellent leadership technique. In any given situation, there are always extremes—the advanced and the backward—with the intermediate cases constituting the majority. By concentrating on these two extremes, the middle ground can be effectively stimulated. This is a dialectical approach: by addressing both the advanced and the backward, we are engaging with opposing poles.

(XX) Organizing visits by cadres and the masses to observe advanced experiences and holding centralized exhibitions of advanced products are both effective leadership methods. These approaches help raise technical standards, disseminate best practices, and encourage mutual competition. Many problems can be solved simply by going to the site. Communes can organize mutual visits with other communes, townships with other townships, counties with other counties, and provinces with other provinces. Similarly, the central government, provinces, municipalities, prefectures, and counties can all host exhibitions showcasing achievements in production and construction.

(XXI) Continuous revolution. Our revolution proceeds step by step. Beginning with the nationwide seizure of power in 1949, we followed it with land reform to abolish feudalism. Once land reform was completed, we initiated agricultural collectivization, which was then succeeded by the socialist transformation of private industry and handicrafts. The three major socialist transformations—the socialist revolution in the means of production—were essentially completed in 1956. Subsequently, last year we undertook socialist revolutions on the political and ideological fronts. This revolutionary phase may be largely concluded by July 1 of this year. However, the underlying issues remain unresolved, and for quite some time to come, we will continue to address them annually through rectification campaigns. What we need now is a technological revolution to enable us to catch up with and surpass Britain within fifteen years or a little longer. China’s economy is still relatively backward, and our material foundations remain weak, leaving us in a passive position and still feeling spiritually constrained. We have yet to achieve true liberation in this regard. We must muster greater resolve. In five years, we will be in a somewhat more proactive stance; in ten years, even more so; and after fifteen years, with increased food and steel production, our initiative will be further enhanced. Like warfare, after achieving one victory, we must immediately set new tasks. This keeps cadres and the masses continually filled with revolutionary zeal while reducing arrogance—there simply won’t be time for complacency. As new tasks arise, everyone’s thoughts naturally turn to how to accomplish them. Proposing a technological revolution means urging everyone to learn technology and science. Some on the right argue that we are merely petty intellectuals incapable of leading the great intelligentsia. Others suggest “buying out” older cadres by offering them retirement packages, claiming that these veterans lack scientific and technical knowledge, having only ever engaged in warfare and land reform. We must resolutely strive to overcome these challenges, diligently studying and fulfilling this great technological revolution entrusted to us by history. This issue should be discussed at cadre meetings and perhaps at a special cadre conference dedicated to examining our existing capabilities. While we once excelled at warfare and land reform, these skills alone are no longer sufficient. We must acquire new competencies—truly mastering our field and becoming proficient in science and technology. Otherwise, we will never be able to lead effectively. In my 1949 essay “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” I wrote: “We face severe economic construction tasks. Certain skills we have long mastered are beginning to feel redundant, while unfamiliar tasks are being imposed upon us. This is the difficulty. We must overcome these difficulties and learn things we do not yet know.” Eight years have passed since then. Throughout this period, one revolution has followed another, with everyone’s attention focused on these pressing issues. Many have simply not had the opportunity to study science and technology. Starting this year, while continuing to advance the socialist revolutions on the political and ideological fronts, we must shift the Party’s work focus toward the technological revolution. This is a matter that requires the attention of the entire Party. Party committees at all levels can initiate preliminary discussions internally and clearly explain the rationale to cadres, but should refrain from publicizing it for the time being. We will launch a full-scale campaign after July 1, when grassroots rectification efforts will largely have concluded. At that point, the Party’s main focus can be shifted to the technological revolution, potentially at the expense of political considerations. Therefore, it is crucial to strike a balance between technology and politics.

(XXII) The relationship between redness and expertise, between politics and professional work, is one of unity in opposition. We must firmly criticize tendencies to disregard politics. On the one hand, we should oppose empty politicians; on the other hand, we should resist practical workers who have lost their way.

The unity of politics and economics, and of politics and technology, is beyond question. It holds true year after year, forever. This is what it means to be both red and expert. Although the term “politics” will continue to exist, its content has changed. Those who pay no attention to ideology and politics, instead busying themselves solely with routine matters, risk becoming disoriented economists and technologists—this is highly dangerous. Ideological and political work serve as guarantees for successful economic and technological endeavors; they provide support for the material foundation, acting as the commander and soul of these efforts. Should we relax even slightly in our ideological and political work, economic and technological activities will inevitably veer onto a wrong path.

Currently, on the one hand, there exists a grave class struggle between the socialist world and the imperialist world; on the other hand, within our own country, class antagonisms have not yet been completely eradicated, and class struggle persists. Both of these realities must be fully acknowledged. Historically, combating class enemies constituted the core of political work. However, since the people gained state power, the nature of political relations has fundamentally shifted to intra-popular interactions, with persuasion rather than coercion serving as the primary method. This represents a new type of political relationship. The state now employs varying degrees of coercive measures only temporarily against lawbreakers within the populace who disrupt social order, as supplementary tools to aid persuasion. During the transitional period from capitalism to socialism, a segment of the population still harbors anti-socialist sentiments—for example, elements of the bourgeois right wing—in such cases, we generally resolve disputes through mass discussions. Only in instances of serious counter-revolutionary or destructive behavior do we resort to suppression. Once the transitional period concludes and class distinctions are completely eliminated, domestically speaking, politics will entirely revolve around intra-popular relations. At that point, ideological struggles, political conflicts, and revolutionary movements among individuals will undoubtedly persist—they are inevitable. The laws of unity of opposites, quantitative-to-qualitative transformation, and negation of the negation will continue to operate universally and eternally. Yet the character of these struggles and revolutions will differ from the past: they will no longer be class struggles, but rather contests between the advanced and the backward within the populace, debates over advances and setbacks in social systems, and confrontations concerning progress versus regression in science and technology. The transition from socialism to communism is itself a struggle, a revolution. Upon entering the communist era, numerous developmental stages will follow, and the relationships between these stages will invariably involve transitions from quantity to quality. All sudden changes and leaps constitute revolutions and require struggle. The notion of “no conflict” is metaphysical.

Politicians must possess a certain degree of professional competence. Excessive expertise can create difficulties, just as insufficient knowledge is equally problematic; what is needed is a balanced level of understanding. Those who lack practical knowledge are merely superficially “red”—empty politicians. To integrate politics and technology, we should implement experimental fields in agriculture and identify model examples in industry, experimenting with new technologies and developing innovative products. These approaches rely on a comparative method: by juxtaposing the advanced with the backward under similar conditions, we can encourage the latter to catch up with the former. The advanced and the backward represent two extreme poles, and comparison embodies their unity in opposition. Disparities exist between enterprises, within different workshops and departments of a single enterprise, and between individuals. These imbalances are a universal and objective law. From imbalance to balance, and then back to imbalance, this cycle repeats endlessly. However, with each iteration, the level of disparity escalates. Imbalance is constant and absolute, whereas balance is temporary and relative. Presently, the fluctuations between balance and imbalance in China’s economy occur as qualitative shifts within a broader process of quantitative change. In due course, China will transform from an agrarian nation to an industrial one—a leap forward—after which the process of quantitative change will resume.

Evaluation extends beyond the economic sphere, beyond production and technology; it also encompasses politics, specifically assessing the art of leadership: determining who leads more effectively.

(XXIII) The superstructure must be adapted to the needs of the economic base and the development of productive forces. Various regulations formulated by government departments constitute part of the superstructure. Many of these regulations, accumulated over the past eight years, remain applicable; however, a considerable number have become obstacles to further boosting popular enthusiasm and promoting productive forces, necessitating either amendment or repeal. Recently, within the ranks of the masses, numerous advanced practices have emerged in addressing this issue—for instance, the Shijingshan Power Plant’s improvements to employee welfare benefits; the Zhejiang Machinery Manufacturing Plant’s enhancements to dormitory facilities; and the Jiangsu Qishuyan Power Plant’s innovations in bonus schemes. Furthermore, several commercial agencies at the provincial level in Jiangxi Province have been consolidated into a single entity, reducing staff from over 2,400 to just 350—an elimination of six-sevenths of the workforce. A comprehensive regulation should be enacted to permit and encourage such initiatives by the masses that break through constraints hindering productivity growth, provided they are undertaken on the basis of heightened public awareness and in accordance with planned, proportional, efficient, and economical socialist development.

Central government departments, as well as provincial, municipal, and autonomous region party committees, should dispatch responsible comrades to grassroots units nationwide to summarize these advanced practices and promote initiatives originating from the lower levels that contribute to socialist construction. Relevant authorities should approve and authorize the suspension of certain provisions in existing regulations at specific units, while simultaneously extending these exemplary practices to other units for trial implementation.

Moreover, central government departments and provincial, municipal, and autonomous region party committees ought to send representatives to grassroots units to identify regulations that are impeding the enhancement of popular initiative and the development of productive forces. Based on local conditions, through mass discussions convened by grassroots party committees and the general public, they should preserve the reasonable components of existing regulations while amending or abolishing the unreasonable ones. Simultaneously, they should draft new regulations tailored to local needs and implement them at the respective units, with the possibility of later extending these practices to other locations for trial use.

Central government departments, along with provincial, municipal, and autonomous region party committees, should systematically compile and document typical, mature, and advanced practices in this regard—major, nation-wide initiatives approved by the CPC Central Committee and the State Council; regional efforts endorsed by the corresponding local party committees and governments; and specialized, technical measures sanctioned by the relevant competent authorities. Following this, these regulations should be uniformly adopted across all similar units nationwide or within a given province. After a period of implementation, they may be revised or re-formulated anew in light of emerging experiences.

This constitutes the mass line approach to formulating and revising various regulations.

(XXIV) It is imperative to carry the Rectification Campaign through to completion. The entire Party must summon its full strength, dispel bureaucratic formalism, and forge close ties with the people. Every possible flaw and error in work style, conduct, and institutional procedures should be rectified as much as possible.

(XXV) Members of the central and provincial, municipal, and autonomous region party committees—except those who are ill or elderly—should each spend at least four months annually away from their offices, descending to the grassroots to conduct investigations and attend meetings. Both “horseback” and “dismounted” approaches are acceptable. Even if a visit lasts only three or four hours, it is essential to engage with workers and peasants, to gain firsthand, sensory understanding. Certain central-level meetings may be held outside Beijing, while some provincial-level meetings could take place in locations other than the provincial capitals.

(XXVI) Treat cadres and the masses with genuine equality. It is crucial to ensure that interpersonal relationships truly reflect equality and that people feel they can confide in one another. Let us learn from Lu Xun: his writings were meant to communicate with and resonate alongside his readers. Although roles and responsibilities differ, anyone—regardless of rank—must appear among the people as an ordinary worker, never adopting an air of superiority. Bureaucratic attitudes must be discarded. When hearing differing opinions expressed by subordinates, one should listen patiently and consider them thoughtfully, rather than becoming irritated or perceiving disagreement as disrespect. This is one of the prerequisites for treating others with equality.

(XXVII) Party committees at all levels, especially those steadfastly committed to upholding the central leadership’s correct line, should be prepared to face criticism. When criticisms are justified, we should accept them humbly and take corrective action. As for unjustified attacks, particularly malicious slander, we must stand firm, examine them critically, and refute them. Under no circumstances should we yield to prevailing winds; instead, we must demonstrate the fearless spirit of swimming against the tide. We were already tested in this regard during the 1957 Rectification Campaign.

(XXVIII) At cadre meetings held at the provincial, prefectural, and county levels—or even at the provincial, prefectural, county, and township levels—discuss the principles governing Party leadership. Consider whether these principles are sound: “Centralized decision-making for major matters, decentralized execution; the Party makes decisions, while various entities carry them out. Execution must adhere to established principles. Party committees are responsible for oversight.” Regarding the Party’s role, this passage emphasizes that it takes the lead in making major decisions and subsequently monitors their implementation. The phrase “centralized decision-making” is often used metaphorically to denote autocratic rule by a single individual. Here, however, it refers to the principle that primary authority should reside collectively with the central and local Party committees, serving as a counterweight to decentralization. Can power truly be shared? These eight lines originated in 1953 as a response to the decentralization trends of that time. The notion of “various entities carrying out the decisions” does not imply direct action by individual Party members, but rather requires engagement, consultation, and joint deliberation with non-Party members within state organs, enterprises, cooperatives, mass organizations, and cultural and educational institutions. Unreasonable elements are then revised, and the final version is adopted for implementation. The third line underscores that the Party represents the highest form of proletarian organization: democratic centralism, the unity of collective leadership and individual initiative (between the Party committee and its first secretary), as well as the supremacy of central and higher-level decisions.

(XXIX) Must every matter be personally overseen by the first secretary? Not necessarily. Major decisions, however, must be addressed. It is advisable to appoint a second and third secretary to assume leadership when the first secretary is absent.

(XXX) Party committees should oversee military affairs. The armed forces must remain under the leadership and supervision of the Party, as has traditionally been the case. This is an excellent tradition of our military. Cadres engaged in military work have long urged the central and local authorities to prioritize this responsibility. In recent years, due to our heavy focus on social reform and economic development, we have devoted less attention to military matters. This situation now calls for improvement. One possible solution is to increase the frequency of related activities throughout the year.

(XXXI) Large, medium, and small meetings are all necessary. Localities and various departments should make careful arrangements. Small meetings, attended by just a few dozen participants, are conducive to identifying and discussing problems. Larger gatherings involving thousands of people, however, tend to follow a format of presenting reports followed by discussion. Such large meetings should not be held too frequently—perhaps no more than twice a year. Medium- and small-scale meetings, on the other hand, should be convened at least four times annually. It is preferable to hold these meetings at the grassroots level. Provincial committees might convene a meeting of county secretaries from a particular prefecture or several neighboring counties. Central-level cadres and members of the State Council could rotate in organizing small meetings in different localities. Economic cooperation zones should also hold regular meetings, aiming for at least four sessions per year.

(XXXII) Meeting procedures should integrate facts and viewpoints. Separating the two—to present facts without offering any perspective, or vice versa—is highly undesirable. Facts and viewpoints should be interconnected; otherwise, the meeting becomes ineffective. Merely laying out a mountain of data without expressing one’s own views or clarifying one’s stance on supporting or opposing specific issues is even worse. Instead, one should learn to use factual information to articulate one’s position. Having ample material is essential, but what truly matters is articulating a clear viewpoint to guide that material. The amount of information need not be excessive; dissecting one or two representative cases is sufficient. While one may accumulate a wealth of data, only the most typical examples should be presented during the meeting. It is important to recognize the distinction between chairing a meeting and writing a scholarly treatise.

(XXXIII) Generally speaking, avoid overwhelming people with a deluge of information and viewpoints within a short span of time, especially when such material is unfamiliar to them. Seek out opportunities throughout the year to expose those who rarely engage with this kind of work to it. Provide them with appropriate raw materials or semi-finished products, rather than suddenly presenting a finished product one morning. Deliver information in gentle showers rather than torrential downpours. Wherever possible, abolish the practice of “forced training” and minimize “forced signing.” Ensure that all parties share a common language by first acquiring the necessary shared background knowledge.

(XXXIV) The problem of ten fingers. Humans have ten fingers, and cadres should learn to distinguish between nine fingers and one, or between a majority and a minority. While this distinction may seem simple, many fail to grasp it, underscoring the need for widespread publicity. It reflects the difference between the overarching context and specific details, between the mainstream and marginal currents. We must focus on the mainstream; straying from it can lead to disastrous consequences. This is both a cognitive and a logical issue. Describing something as consisting of one finger versus nine fingers is a vivid and apt metaphor that aligns well with our work. Typically, unless there is a fundamental deviation from the correct course, our achievements dominate our narrative. However, this framing does not apply to everyone—for instance, certain right-wing elements. Many far-right extremists are, in essence, like having all ten fingers rotten. Most ordinary right-wing students, while not possessing entirely healthy fingers, still retain enough functionality to remain in school.

(XXXV) “Attack one or a few points, exaggerate them to the exclusion of others.” This is a metaphysical approach that disregards reality. In 1957, bourgeois rightists launched a fierce offensive against socialism using precisely this tactic. Throughout its history, our Party has suffered greatly from such dogmatism. The Li Lisan line exemplifies this tendency.

Revisionism, or right-leaning opportunism, also employs this method. The Chen Duxiu line and Wang Ming’s line during the Anti-Japanese War are prime examples. In 1934, Zhang Guotao likewise resorted to this strategy. Similarly, the 1953 anti-Party alliance formed by Gao Gang and Rao Shushi utilized the same approach. We must draw lessons from these historical experiences, critically analyzing them from epistemological and methodological perspectives to awaken our cadres and prevent future losses. Even well-intentioned individuals may inadvertently adopt this approach when making individual mistakes, making methodological study essential for everyone.

(XXXVI) The processes of forming concepts, making judgments, and drawing inferences are, at their core, processes of investigation and research—essentially, thinking itself. The human brain has the capacity to reflect objective reality, but achieving an accurate reflection is no easy feat. It often requires repeated examination to arrive at a reasonably correct and realistic representation. Once one has formed sound ideas and viewpoints, expressing them to others becomes a relatively straightforward task. The formation of concepts, judgments, and inferences—these processes of “drawing from the masses” and conveying one’s views and thoughts to others—are, in essence, processes of “going to the masses.” Among our cadres, there are still quite a few who fail to understand this simple truth: any outstanding leader’s ideas, opinions, plans, and methods can only be reflections of objective reality. Their raw materials or semi-finished products can only originate from the practical experiences of the people or from their own scientific pursuits. The brain functions as a processing center that transforms these inputs into finished outputs; otherwise, it serves no useful purpose. Whether such outputs are actually applicable or valid, and whether they are correct or incorrect, ultimately remains for the people to judge. If our comrades do not comprehend this principle, they are bound to encounter setbacks.

(XXXVII) Articles and documents should possess three qualities: accuracy, clarity, and vividness. Accuracy pertains to concepts, judgments, and reasoning—all logical matters. Clarity and vividness, however, involve rhetorical considerations beyond logic. Many existing documents suffer from the following shortcomings: first, unclear concepts; second, inappropriate judgments; third, a lack of logical coherence when using concepts and judgments to reason; and fourth, poor rhetorical craftsmanship. Reading such texts is a frustrating and unrewarding experience. We must change this unhealthy trend. Comrades engaged in economic work should pay attention not only to accuracy but also to clarity and vividness when drafting documents, recognizing that this is not merely the concern of language teachers—it concerns every official. Important documents should not be delegated to second- or third-tier personnel; they should be authored directly by those primarily responsible or collaboratively by multiple individuals.

(XXXVIII) Do not rely solely on secretaries or “second-row deputies.” Emphasize self-initiative, supplementing it with assistance from others. Secretarial arrangements should not become the norm; the idea that those without secretaries are somehow disadvantaged should be abandoned. Over-reliance on secretaries is a manifestation of declining revolutionary will.

(XXXIX) Study natural sciences and technical sciences.

(XXXX) Study philosophy and political economy.

(XXXXI) Study history and law.

(XXXXII) Study literature.

(XXXXIV) It is recommended that central and provincial/municipal officials voluntarily learn a foreign language, aiming to reach an intermediate level within five to ten years.

(XXXXV) Key leaders at the central and provincial levels may appoint a dedicated learning secretary.

(XXXXVI) Newly assigned cadres should learn the local dialect, while all cadres should master standard Mandarin. A five-year plan should be formulated to achieve proficiency or at least a basic command of the language. Han cadres working in ethnic minority areas must learn the languages of those minorities, and ethnic minority cadres should likewise learn Chinese.

(XXXXVII) Ministries at the central level, as well as provincial, prefectural, and county-level authorities, should cultivate “talented scholars.” Intellectuals are indispensable. The proletariat must have its own pool of talented individuals. These individuals should possess a solid understanding of Marxism, coupled with a certain level of cultural literacy and scientific knowledge.

(XXXXVIII) All secondary technical schools and vocational schools, wherever feasible, should establish factories or farms to engage in production, striving for self-sufficiency or partial self-sufficiency through a combination of work and study. Where conditions permit, these schools may admit more students, but funding increases from the state are not required.

All higher industrial schools should operate production laboratories or affiliated factories. Beyond ensuring the needs of teaching and scientific research, they should engage in production whenever possible. Additionally, students and faculty may enter into labor agreements with local factories.

(XXXXIX) All agricultural schools, in addition to operating their own farms, should also enter into labor agreements with local agricultural cooperatives and assign teachers to reside within those cooperatives, thereby bridging theory and practice. Agricultural schools should encourage cooperatives to recommend qualified candidates for admission.

Primary and secondary schools located in rural areas should also enter into agreements with local agricultural cooperatives to participate in sideline agricultural production. Rural students should furthermore utilize their vacations, holidays, or spare time to contribute to production within their villages.

(L) Large universities and urban secondary schools, where feasible, may jointly establish factories or workshops, or enter into labor agreements with factories, construction sites, or service industries.

All schools—large, medium, and small—that possess land should establish subsidiary farms. Schools lacking land but situated near suburban areas may participate in labor activities at nearby agricultural cooperatives.

(LI) Launch a patriotic sanitation campaign centered on eliminating the “Four Pests.” Monthly inspections should be conducted this year to lay the groundwork. Localities may, based on their specific circumstances, add other components to this campaign beyond the Four Pests.

(LII) Fertilizer plants can be established at the central, provincial, and prefectural levels. The central chemical department should assist local authorities in designing small and medium-sized fertilizer plants, while the central machinery department should help provide equipment for such facilities.

(LIII) Provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly under the central government should establish agricultural tool research institutes, dedicated to studying and improving various farming implements and small-scale agricultural machinery. These institutes should collaborate closely with agricultural manufacturing plants, and once research is completed, the designs should be handed over for production.

(LIV) The United Agricultural Cooperative in Xiaogan County, Hubei Province, achieves yields of 2,130 jin per mu for certain crops grown once a year. The Progressive Agricultural Cooperative in Renshou County, Sichuan Province, produces 1,680 jin per mu for certain crops cultivated once annually. The Qinghe Agricultural Cooperative in Yijun County, Shaanxi Province, operates in mountainous terrain and yields 1,654 jin per mu for certain crops grown once a year. The Nabo Agricultural Cooperative in Baise County, Guangxi Province, produces 1,600 jin per mu for certain crops grown once a year. These high-yield experiences from single-season cropping can be studied and piloted in other regions.

(LV) Seed pairing (that is, cultivating multiple varieties of a single crop simultaneously within a given area). Localities are encouraged to conduct research in this area.

(LVI) Root crops are highly versatile. They can be consumed by humans, fed to livestock, used for brewing alcohol, producing sugar, or milling flour. Localities may experiment with root crop flours and, in a controlled manner, promote the cultivation of root crops more broadly.

(LVII) Afforestation. In regions where trees can be planted year-round, plant them continuously; in areas suitable for three seasons, plant for three seasons; and in places where two seasons are viable, plant for two seasons.

(LVIII) Each household in the Shangluo Prefecture of Shaanxi Province plants one liter of walnuts. This practice is worthy of emulation nationwide. Following a mass discussion to gauge public opinion, it could be extended to the cultivation of fruit trees, mulberry trees, oak trees, tea bushes, lacquer trees, and oilseed crops, among other economic forest species.

(LIX) Forestry work requires calculating forest coverage rates. Provinces, prefectures, and counties should determine the proportion of their territory covered by forests and develop plans accordingly.

(LX) Before September of this year, I intend to deliberate on the matter of relinquishing my position as President of the People’s Republic of China. First, I will hold discussions among cadres at various levels, followed by conversations with workers and cooperative members, soliciting their opinions and seeking majority approval. The rationale behind this decision is that by stepping down from the presidency and focusing solely on my role as Chairman of the CPC Central Committee, I can save considerable time to devote to tasks required of me by the Party. This arrangement would also be more suitable for my physical condition. Should strong opposition arise during these discussions, with the public disagreeing with this proposal, I can explain that, should the nation ever face an emergency, I would still be available to assume leadership duties as long as the Party makes the decision. For now, during peacetime, it is advantageous to relinquish one presidential post. This proposal has already received the approval of the Central Political Bureau, as well as of many comrades at both central and local levels, who view it favorably. It is imperative that these intentions be clearly communicated to both cadres and the general public to avoid any misunderstandings.

As for the method of disseminating the contents of this meeting, these views should be gradually conveyed to cadres, rather than presented as an overwhelming torrent of information.

The opinions expressed here are purely advisory in nature. Comrades are encouraged to take them back for discussion, to challenge them, to build upon them, and to solicit feedback from cadres. It will likely take several months before a formal document can be drafted.