I. Let us review whether this conference was successful or not. The provincial party secretary said it was very good, but I fear some comrades may not share that view. The meeting was long and exhausting; several comrades caught colds, and so did I. Still, I believe the positive outcomes predominate: the exchange of experience, the clarification of direction, and the unification of will have all been highly beneficial. I missed two days of the conference and did not finish reading all the speeches. I intend to read them all through—some even twice—and I hope you will do the same. There were many valuable insights in these remarks. Such conferences should be held once a year. As a major country with complex tasks, we need at least one such gathering annually, involving cadres at the provincial, prefectural, county, and district levels, along with representatives from some communes. Next year, the central authorities plan to include some county party secretaries as well. I recommend holding these meetings once a year. We suffered last year by failing to convene one; this led to a right-leaning tendency and a slackening of effort (due to the Eighth Party Congress, which left no time). A yearly conference would likely require about a month. Each province could also hold its own four-level cadre meeting to thoroughly sort out the issues.

II. A few words on the rectification campaign. Hubei’s slogan—“Let it out boldly, thoroughly, resolutely”—is excellent. Guangdong’s Southern Daily published an editorial under that very title, which was very good. It further emphasized boldness, thoroughness, resoluteness, and earnestness in both speaking out and making corrections. The anti-rightist campaign has now gotten onto the right track, so there is no need to call for “bold counterattacks” anymore (though grassroots efforts below the county level should continue to combat rightists). At the provincial and central levels, the focus remains on encouraging free expression, but the primary task is still to effect genuine change. This year’s rectification campaign has given rise to a revolutionary form—what we might call the “Four Greats”: great airing of views, great criticism, great debate, and big-character posters. We have finally found this format, which was previously unattainable. In earlier stages, such layered debates were not permitted; hence, land reform and armed struggle could not adopt this approach. Now that we have achieved nationwide victory and our state power is consolidated, we can resolve internal contradictions among the people by presenting facts and reasoning. We have identified a suitable form for class struggle, which will greatly facilitate future work. Whether dealing with major or minor issues, engaging in rectification, or offering suggestions, all can be resolved through debate. This applies not only to moderates but also to rightists—in rural areas, discussions with landlords and rich peasants often become heated, even descending into personal attacks (“the Party rules everything,” “step down!”). Nevertheless, this method effectively stimulates the masses’ initiative, enthusiasm, and sense of responsibility. Historically, there have been instances of grassroots mobilization and consultation, such as equal, friendly talks between company commanders and soldiers—this reflects our democratic tradition. Without such a tradition, the “Four Greats” would never have emerged. During the Yan’an Rectification Campaign, participants kept journals, held small-group meetings, and engaged in self-criticism, finding great benefit in the process. That campaign lasted several months and successfully overcame subjectivism. Subsequent movements like the Three Checks and Three Rectifications, and the Three Antis and Five Antis, also incorporated certain democratic elements. However, the current practice of “great airing of views and great debate”—a more extensive form of democracy—has only come into being recently. Finding this new form has brought immense benefits to the Party’s cause, helping us overcome bureaucratism and commandism. It represents a significant development of our democratic tradition and should be carried forward. Socialism must fully unleash democratic potential; such democracy exists only under socialism, not under any other social system. On this basis, we can strengthen centralized leadership, consolidate proletarian dictatorship, and establish a robust system of centralism. Democracy serves to reinforce centralism, not weaken it. China’s proletariat is relatively small, numbering only tens of millions. Our dictatorship relies on the active participation of hundreds of millions of poor and lower-middle peasants, revolutionary intellectuals, impoverished artisans, and urban working-class people. By arousing their enthusiasm, we can solidify the dictatorship and strengthen centralism.

III. Agriculture. Following revisions, the Forty Articles have been issued, and I urge vigorous organization of a debate across the countryside. We need to raise awareness and draw up plans. I have consulted with officials at the provincial, prefectural, county, district, township, and commune levels. All six tiers should formulate plans, including prefectures and districts. These plans must be finalized without delay. Comprehensive planning coupled with strengthened leadership—led personally by the party secretaries and implemented by the entire Party—is essential. Unfortunately, this emphasis waned in the latter half of last year. We must reiterate this longstanding slogan. When should these plans be completed? Some comrades have already finished theirs, while others have not. Will the three higher levels—province, prefecture, and county—be able to complete their plans by next spring, or perhaps before May Day? If not, then by the end of next year at the latest. These are long-term plans, spanning ten to twenty years. Even after they are adopted, they may not be entirely appropriate and will inevitably require adjustments—perhaps minor revisions every three years and major ones every five. Nonetheless, having a plan is far preferable to having none. Time is running out; if we do not act swiftly, the goals set forth in the “Four, Five, Eight” policy will be jeopardized. By intensifying cultivation and adopting scientific farming methods, we can achieve our objectives. Our country could become the world’s most productive agricultural nation; we already have Chaozhou-Shantou County, where yields have reached 1,000 jin per mu. Could we further raise these targets to 800, 1,000, or even 1,200 jin per mu? I believe this is feasible, provided we persist for another two to three decades. Given the rapid pace of the 20th century, we need not adhere strictly to traditional timelines; reaching these levels could conceivably occur by the early 21st century. Moreover, agricultural production does not necessarily require vast tracts of land. Sufficient arable land for each person would suffice—three mu may be excessive. Equally important is birth control. I am not advocating encouragement of childbirth; rather, all levels of planning should involve consultations with rural residents. Numerous plans exist, which can be discussed in stages and batches. Regarding food supplies, an average of 400 jin per person, regardless of age or gender, should be adequate, excluding seeds and animal feed. According to a report from the Xiangtan Prefectural Committee in Hunan Province, one family of seven consumed only 409 jin per person, leaving a surplus of 409 jin. For southern regions, 400 jin of rice per capita would be sufficient, whereas Hebei currently allocates only 320 or 310 jin, with some counties providing as little as 280 jin. Historical debates in northern Henan reveal that even affluent middle peasants, who consumed around 360 jin per capita, frequently complained of insufficient food, leading to starvation. Therefore, we must vigorously promote frugality and thrift. Accumulation is key—whether at the national, communal, or household level—if resources are simply consumed, prosperity cannot be achieved. Areas that experienced neither disasters nor poor harvests this year should resolutely “make up for shortages with surpluses,” striving to build up reserves. Hunan has proposed setting aside 20 percent of total output as savings funds (including public welfare funds), totaling 600 million yuan for the entire province. These are not ordinary production reserves but rather funds earmarked for purchasing fertilizers and repairing farm tools, with 28 percent allocated based on regional differences between mountainous and plain areas—approximately 120 million yuan annually. This approach is commendable; if feasible, it should be adopted; otherwise, excessive deductions would undermine its advantages. Administrative expenses must be kept within 1 percent and redirected to support the grassroots level. We should educate everyone to cultivate ambition and set lofty goals. By the 21st century, global conditions will have changed dramatically. Against this backdrop, gluttony and extravagance are hardly signs of aspiration. Instead, we should embrace frugality and thrift. With roughly a decade remaining, we should prepare for the future: our children and grandchildren will still be living when we are gone, and celebrations and funerals should be conducted with greater restraint. Farmers may still prefer burial coffins (as some central government officials have already stipulated through signed agreements, allowing individuals to choose cremation), but overall, we must conserve resources and gradually shift our habits. These changes can be facilitated through the “Four Greats” and large-scale debates. A twelve-year plan could be formulated to rigorously address issues such as gambling, with solutions emerging solely through dialogue and a concerted effort to transform social mores. I am also interested in eradicating the “Four Pests,” though there has been little response thus far. Few comrades have taken concrete action, although the Lechang County Committee of Shaoguan Prefecture in Guangdong Province has set a commendable example by eliminating the Four Pests and improving sanitation. This is a cultural imperative that deserves widespread promotion. Using separate chopsticks for serving food is a good practice, though it requires additional bamboo. Such measures can benefit local handicraft industries and stimulate economic activity. I propose a pilot program lasting two years starting next year, followed by five years of wider implementation and three years of consolidation. Alternatively, a three-year pilot phase could be followed by five years of expansion and two years of follow-up, with varying paces across different regions. I am particularly interested in these four initiatives. Should China strive to become a “four-zero” nation? In the past, anarchistic thinkers advocated for “three zeros”: no government, no family, no class. While a stateless society may eventually be realized, the institution of the family—as a unit of production and education—is unlikely to endure beyond a few centuries. Once the functions of production and education are separated, the very concept of family will cease to exist. This transformation would likely take a thousand years. For now, however, we should first aim to eliminate the Four Pests, thereby elevating our nation to a highly civilized status.

Population control should proceed in three phases: a three-year pilot campaign, a three-year promotional drive, and a four-year nationwide rollout. This constitutes a ten-year plan; otherwise, it will be too late to implement effective family planning once the population reaches 800 million. The initiative should not be extended to ethnic minority areas or regions with extremely low populations. Large-scale debates and public campaigns should also be organized in these areas. I further suggest incorporating a reproductive health education course into secondary school curricula. Unrestrained procreation is unacceptable; sound family planning is essential. Furthermore, comprehensive planning is crucial at all levels. The plans of industry, agriculture, commerce, and education—excluding the military—should be integrated rather than pursued in isolation. Please refer to the documents from Zhejiang Province; the experience of Hong’an County is highly instructive. It is advisable for cadres at all rural levels to establish experimental plots as a practical means of gaining hands-on experience. I strongly encourage this approach myself. Cadres at the county, district, township, and commune levels should each cultivate a small experimental field, allowing them to familiarize themselves with technical and operational aspects. Relying solely on political acumen is insufficient; a solid understanding of industrial, commercial, and agricultural practices is necessary. Today, we are discussing agriculture and formulating a ten-year plan to ensure that, over the next decade, our cadres become proficient in both technical and political matters. We must avoid the pattern of being “red first, then specialized”; instead, we should strive to cultivate cadres who are both red and specialized. Currently, many cadres are “red first, then specialized,” and some, lacking genuine ideological commitment, succumb to right-leaning opportunism, exhibiting political zeal but technical incompetence. Others advocate for “specialization first, then redness,” a bourgeois perspective that we reject. What we need, however, is to build a strong contingent of proletarian intellectuals within ten years. As Stalin famously stated, “Cadres determine everything.” Technical and professional skills can indeed be acquired, even by those in their fifties. The key lies in a willingness to learn. Despite our strong political convictions, we often find ourselves unable to bridge the gap with rightists, making persuasion difficult. Thus, continuous learning remains essential. Provincial, prefectural, and county committees should all develop plans to strengthen their scientific and technological expertise. Over the next decade, party organizations at all levels should transform themselves into bastions of proletarian intellectualism, with specific plans to cultivate experts. Although the principle of “cultivating people over a hundred years” remains valid, we now need to accelerate this process, reducing the timeframe to ten years. In the north, where tree-planting initiatives have traditionally focused on forestry, we must shift our emphasis to nurturing a robust corps of technical personnel. Without such a workforce, socialist construction is impossible. Having been liberated for eight years, we now stand on the threshold of another decade—eighteen years in total—during which we should fundamentally forge a scientific and technological elite imbued with Marxist thought. Following this, we can further expand and strengthen this cadre over another ten years, ultimately bringing our capabilities in line with the Soviet Union’s forty-year achievements. By shortening this timeline by twenty years, we could potentially achieve comparable results. Given the Soviet Union’s proven experience, this goal appears quite attainable.

The relationship between agriculture and industry was addressed by Comrade ××, who emphasized unwavering priority for heavy industry. Under this premise, we should simultaneously advance both agriculture and industry, building a modernized industrial sector alongside a modernized agricultural sector. Simply proclaiming “modernization of industry” (which inherently includes modernization of agriculture) is insufficient. While industrial propaganda has historically been appropriate, going forward, we should place greater emphasis on promoting agriculture.

IV. Every issue has at least two possible approaches, allowing for comparison: a slower, less effective method versus a faster, more efficient one. We should opt for the superior, quicker option. For instance, when constructing a railway, multiple routes are typically evaluated before a final decision is made. Similarly, should we prioritize “great airing of views” or “smaller-scale airing”? Do we favor big-character posters? Which type of poster is most effective? Here, too, comparisons can be drawn. It is important to note that “great airing of views” does not always translate into genuine freedom of expression. In Beijing, dozens of institutions of higher learning have struggled to implement this approach effectively. After repeated attempts and numerous meetings, they were ultimately forced to proceed, lest they risk severe repercussions. Throughout history, revolutionary movements have often employed dual strategies and policies. It was only during the War of Resistance Against Japan that we identified a correct path, enabling faster progress. Similarly, various countries—such as the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Poland—have developed distinct approaches and policies. While we can draw inspiration from these diverse models, the Soviet model remains the most reliable. Our revolutionary experience is limited, especially compared to the Soviet Union’s forty years of practice. The Soviet experience has largely been successful and relatively complete, though it is not without its shortcomings. Nevertheless, the positive outcomes clearly outweigh the negatives. The Soviet Union is ahead of us, and we should learn from its example. Learning brings substantial benefits, while inaction leads to significant losses. Particularly after our break with dogmatism, studying the Soviet Union poses no danger; on the contrary, it offers us clear advantages. The Soviet Union’s experience is exceptionally comprehensive—for example, in the realm of artificial satellites. In the past, some Chinese figures, such as Long Yun, doubted their feasibility, and even the United States initially dismissed them. Yet, China successfully launched its first satellite, which continued to orbit for five days. Likewise, I once regarded claims of lunar travel and similar feats as mere propaganda, lacking a scientific foundation. As a non-scientist with predominantly political expertise, I remained skeptical. However, subsequent developments have convinced me otherwise: the Moon, Venus, and Mars are indeed accessible. Experts estimate that human travel to the Moon could be realized within five to ten years. If I had persisted in my skepticism, I would have been labeled a stubborn holdout. That said, can we bypass certain detours taken by the Soviet Union and achieve faster, higher-quality results? The Soviet Union began producing four million tons of steel by the end of 1918, and it took another twenty years to reach eighteen million tons. In contrast, we could potentially attain twenty million tons of steel after just three five-year plans—or perhaps slightly longer. This demonstrates that we have the capacity to move more swiftly. I therefore advocate for establishing more small steel mills, with capacities ranging from twenty to thirty thousand tons or thirty to forty thousand tons, as these smaller facilities offer distinct advantages.

V. Last year, we discarded the principles of “more, faster, better, and cheaper.” While there was little opposition to “better and cheaper,” the emphasis on “more and faster” was abandoned. In reality, “more, faster, better, and cheaper” are mutually reinforcing. “Better and cheaper” serve to constrain “more and faster.” Unlike a satellite hurtling through space, unrealistic speed is simply unattainable and should not be pursued. Conversely, if something is merely slow, it cannot be considered acceptable either. I am pleased that certain comrades have now reintroduced the complete slogan: “more, faster, better, and cheaper.” I believe we should remain pragmatic and promote realistic, non-subjective notions of “faster.” Last year, this slogan was swept aside, but it should now be revived. What are your views on this matter? Additionally, the Forty Articles outlining the agricultural guidelines were also scrapped, rendering them virtually obsolete. However, they have now been reinstated.

The Communist Party should always function as a driving force. We have numerous committees, with the Central Committee serving as the core. The question is: Are we a committee that promotes progress, or one that hinders it? The Communist Party is a progressive force, whereas the Kuomintang embodies regression. At last year’s Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee, a subgroup was formed to push for regression, resulting in an unnecessary expenditure of 3 billion yuan. Any further attempts at regression would constitute a serious mistake. Consequently, we must refrain from overemphasizing the anti-inflationary stance. Since rightists represent a regressive tendency, our fundamental orientation differs from theirs. We are inherently progressive, and any temporary, localized regressions—such as the decision to withdraw six million double-furrow plows from the Agricultural Development Program, or my steadfast advocacy for eradicating mosquitoes, flies, rats, and sparrows—are merely exceptions to this rule.

VI. The contradiction between the capitalist and proletarian paths constitutes the principal contradiction, beyond any doubt. The previous struggles against imperialism and feudalism have already been resolved. Now, in the context of the socialist revolution, the primary task is to abolish the capitalist system of exploitation and to transform the petty bourgeoisie in rural areas. The central issue here is to resolve the conflict between individualism and collectivism, as well as between socialism and capitalism, through the process of collectivization.

VII. The resolutions of the Eighth National Congress did not negate the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie as the principal contradiction during the transitional period toward socialism. Rather, the analysis presented at the Congress focused on productive forces: the contradiction between advanced social systems and backward productive forces. Although this formulation was somewhat incomplete, it proved beneficial and did not lead to any adverse consequences. The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee had previously identified the fundamental domestic contradiction as lying between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, a conclusion that has since proven remarkably accurate.