People of the Country, Unite on the Basis of Socialism
(June 11, 1957)

Source: RMRB (June 11, 1957), 1. Other Chinese Text: Shengping ziliao, pp.
364–365 (excerpt).

This RMRB editorial was not published under Mao’s signature but has been attributed to
Mao by some scholars.

The great solidarity of the Chinese people under the leadership of the Commu-nist Party of China was formed in the tempering of the two revolutions: the
democratic revolution and the socialist revolution.1
The struggle to oppose the rule of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic
capitalism has united the broadest masses of the people of China.2 This alliance
includes workers, peasants, intellectuals, and all sorts of urban petty bourgeoisie,
the national bourgeoisie,3 and all patriotic people. It is because it has stood most
firmly and courageously at the forefront of this struggle that the Communist Party
of China has become the nucleus and the leading strength of this alliance. It is by
relying upon the strength of such a unity that the great victory of the democratic
revolution was finally achieved.
Why is it that the great unity of the Chinese people could continue to stand even
after the victory of the democratic revolution has been achieved? Why is it that the
various classes and [social] strata that took part in the democratic revolution did
not fall apart from one another as a result of their conflict of interests? This is
because a new goal for common effort in the struggle has emerged to confront the
Chinese people. This goal is to strive for the victory of the socialist revolution and
socialist construction. Although the rule of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism has been overthrown, China is still a poor, culturally and economically backward country. Unless this state of backwardness is changed, China will

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inevitably suffer defeats and once again suffer the enslavement by and oppression
of imperialism. Every patriot, recalling the conditions in which the Chinese people
had lived when they were dominated by imperialism, is filled with the sense of
anguish and humiliation. In order that China may never again revert to that sort
of existence, we must make China a rich and strong, industrialized country. To
achieve this goal, there is only one way to go—that of socialism.4
Can there be any possible path besides that of socialism for us to take? Can we
possibly take the road of capitalism? Under present historical conditions, what
would taking the path of capitalism signify? It would mean to become a colony in
an imperialistic world, or, at best, to become a semicolonial sidekick. It would mean
to open our doors to the imperialist countries, to allow imperialism and the running
dogs that they are accustomed to using—namely, feudalism and bureaucratic
capitalism—to once more establish their rule in China. Therefore, in the wake of
the democratic revolution, in reality China has only two paths to choose from:
Either march forward toward socialism or regress to the state of the old China and
its misery. There is really no third way.
Socialism is, first and foremost, the enterprise of the working class. It is the
enterprise of the worker-peasant alliance5 under the leadership of the working class.
However, in China’s particular historical circumstances, socialism is capable of
gaining—indeed it has already gained the support of patriotic peasants. Although
the national bourgeoisie, owing to its class character, inevitably had a conflict of
interests with [the working class on] the matter of thoroughly eliminating all
exploitative systems, even so, because of the series of efforts put out by the Chinese
working class, most of them, after certain doubt, hesitation, meandering, and
wavering, have come to realize that socialism is the only way out for the Chinese
nation and have therefore expressed a willingness to accept socialism. For many
intellectuals who have received a bourgeois education and who have been profoundly affected in many aspects by the bourgeois ideology, it is by no means an
easy task to accept socialism. With the progress of socialist transformation and the
establishment of the socialist system, changes must come to the old way of thinking
and the old ways of life which were suitable only under the system of private
ownership; but a lot of people are unable to get immediately accustomed to new
things. However, the overwhelming majority of the intellectuals have not retreated
in the face of this. Rather, they have come more and more to recognize the
progressiveness and fairness of the socialist enterprise. They have come more and
more to realize that the individual ought to be transformed in order to accommodate
for the progress of society, and not expect that the social system should adapt itself
to fit the individual.
It is unthinkable for us to take the path of socialism without the leadership of
the working class or the leadership of the Communist Party. In leading the cause
of the socialist revolution, the Chinese Communist Party has implemented the
policy of uniting with all forces with whom unity is possible6 on the basis of the
worker-peasant alliance. The great revolutionary unity of the people of the country
is a great force. By relying on such a force, we have in this country already won
basic victories in socialist revolution and socialist transformation, and, moreover,


have also achieved a tremendous accomplishment in the first step of large-scale
socialist construction.
At this time, not only has socialism become the irresistible creed of the
overwhelming majority of the people in China, but it has also become the locus of
development of their actual lives, from which they cannot veer. Without socialism
there would not be our homeland’s independence, or its enrichment and empowerment; nor would there be the freedom and happiness of our people, or any
guarantees for the [fundamental livelihood, i.e., the] clothing, feeding, housing,
and transportation of the [more than] 600 million people. To the overwhelming
majority of the Chinese people this is already a very plain truth. Is there anything,
any attraction, that can lure the Chinese people from the path of socialism? To
illustrate this problem, let us take a look at the recent situation in which the people
in the various circles have helped [our] Party to undergo its rectification campaign.7
Certain Rightist elements who hoped to use the rectification campaign to oppose
socialism and sabotage the socialist cause thought that their arguments were sure
to elicit support widely among the industrialists and merchants. The truth, however,
as it turned out to be, and as it was proven by the conditions that prevailed at the
forum of industrial and commercial circles held in Beijing, is that the vast majority
of the people of industrial and commercial circles did not, after all, become
confused by the honeyed words of the Rightist elements. They have refused to part
with the path of socialism. These Rightist elements also once thought that they
could take advantage of the lack of social experience on the part of young students
to find their allies among the student masses.8 Nevertheless, the facts have proven
that as soon as the Rightists’ arguments exposed their own antisocialist true features
among the student masses, they were rejected and spurned by the vast majority
among the masses. The Rightist elements have attempted to break open the great
unity of the Chinese people through the industrialists and merchants or the
intellectuals and young students. Such an attempt has already met with ignominious
defeat. Naturally, nothing can be made of their wild dreams of carrying out any
activity among the workers and the peasants. Such a dream will only be met by an
attacking force of doubled ferocity and strength.
There is still in existence in our country today a handful of Rightist elements
who oppose socialism. These Rightist elements are taking every opportunity to
carry out their activities; this is nothing to marvel at. Large-scale, mass-based class
struggle has already been fundamentally resolved, and yet there is still class struggle;9 there is class struggle on the political
front, and on the ideological front. Although the capitalist system is gone forever
from our country, there are still some people who have not yet given it up entirely;
they still do not believe that the socialist system will triumph, and they are still
digging away at chances to change the course of history.
The experience of the revolution in the past provides evidence that whenever
the wheels of history are rolling forward rapidly, there will always be some people
who will be thrown out from the car. They are the ones who cannot adapt to
objective changes. Nonetheless, in the moment just before they are thrown out,
they often reject the notion that they are going to be ejected, but rather opine that

APRIL — JUNE 1957 / 579

the car is soon going to be derailed and that it will soon come to disaster. They see
themselves, instead, as people who have a historic role to play, that they are people
who will be at the right spot at the right time, that they, indeed, are the ones who
know the way of the times. The socialist revolution is a tremendous transformation
unprecedented in history. It is surely inevitable that things of this nature will occur
in such a major change. Certain temporary flaws and things indicating momentary
loss of harmony and coordination [in the society] that are bound to happen during
a time when society itself is undergoing the process of such a major change and
reorganization are seen by these Rightist elements as evidence of the ill fate of
socialism—that the people have become separated from the Communist Party, that the
people have come to harbor a distaste for socialism. They think that as soon as they
leap off the train of socialism, millions and millions of people will follow their example.
    These Rightist elements are way off the mark in their calculations. The cause
of socialism, supported by the broadest masses of the people, is bound to win greater
and greater victories with every day. The great unity of the people of the entire
country built upon the foundation of socialism will also surely become more and
more consolidated with each passing day. The Communist Party of China has
suggested a policy for correctly handling the contradictions among the people in
order to carry out the rectification of the Party.10 It has appealed to the people of
all circles in the society to assist it in the Party’s rectification, and to overcome the
Party’s various shortcomings in its own work. All this is for the purpose of
consolidating the people’s solidarity. As a result of the Party’s earnestness in
pursuing this task, the unity of the broad [masses of the] people throughout the
country will surely become more consolidated.
    In order that the unity among the people may be truly consolidated, we must
carry out the necessary struggle against the Rightist elements who insist on
opposing socialism, and draw a clear line of distinction between them [and
ourselves]. The broadest masses of the people in our country support socialism,
support the people’s democratic dictatorship11 and the leadership of the Communist
Party. Some people are as yet, for the time being, unaccustomed to certain aspects
of the new social system, and therefore at the moment feel a certain amount of
doubt, wavering, or reservations [toward these things]; this is understandable. As
time goes on, they will eventually adapt themselves to the new way of life and will
actively take part in the construction of the new life. Therefore, their temporary
doubt, wavering, and reservations are entirely different from the hatred that the
Rightist elements have for the socialist system. The two must be strictly differentiated. When certain people suggest well-intentioned criticism with regard to
certain phenomena in the life of our society and our country or with regard to the
shortcomings and mistakes in our Communist Party members’ work, these criticisms, no matter how pointed they may be, are all extremely beneficial to the Party
and the People’s Government. We must accept all accurate criticisms in order to
correct our mistakes and improve our work. Even though such criticisms may at
times be themselves not entirely accurate, they are nevertheless entirely different
from the Rightist elements’ fundamental opposition to our social system and state
system and their opposition to the leadership of the Communist Party. These must


again be strictly differentiated. The most fundamental black-white questions in our
nation’s life are: Do we want socialism? Do we want the people’s democratic
dictatorship? Do we want the leadership of the Communist Party? The great unity
of the Chinese people is founded on a general consensus with regard to these
questions. The Rightist elements aim to confuse people in their understanding of
these basic problems. Therefore, all people who are truly patriotic and are willing
to stand by socialism should draw a line of distinction between themselves and the
Rightists so that they may have a clearer fundamental understanding on these
matters of who is right and who is wrong. Only in this way can the great unity of
the Chinese people on the foundations of socialism be even more consolidated.
Certain Rightist elements looked upon themselves as heroes whose every word
or deed would affect the safety of the nation. Nevertheless, even they have
inevitably found out, in the end, that unless they fundamentally altered their attitude
toward socialism, they would become entirely isolated and would turn into pitiable
worms, sulking and snivelling in one corner by themselves. In other words, they
would be ejected from the train of time. In contrast to their fate, the train of
socialism, which is built upon the alliance of workers and peasants and which forms
the unity of the broadest masses of the people will, day and night, rumble ever
onward under the leadership of the locomotive of the Communist Party, and march
on toward a future of unlimited splendor.

Notes

1. See text June 15, 1953, vol. I, note 2. The “socialist revolution” refers to the stage
beginning with the establishment of the PRC in 1949.
2. This is, again, a reference to the so-called Three Big Mountains; see text Mar. 12,
1957, note 5.
3. See text Mar. 12, 1950, vol. I, note 3.
4. See text Mar. 12, 1957, paragraph 2.
5. See text Feb. 27, 1957, note 14.
6. See text Aug. 30, 1956, note 7.
7. See text June 8, 1957(3), note 3.
8. See also text Jan. 18, 1957, paragraph 8.
9. See text Feb. 27, 1957, text surrounding note 43; also see text June 9, 1957, note 12.
10. See text Feb. 27, 1957.
11. See text Feb. 27, 1957, note 13.