Instructions from the Central Committee on the Steps and Strategies for the Campaign Against Rightist Elements (June 10, 1957) To the Shanghai Bureau, all Provincial Committees, Municipal Committees, and the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region Committee:  (1) The conditions in Beijing are now ripe; People’s Daily began its counterattack against reactionaries on June 8. However, constructive criticism will continue to be published without interruption. Certain egregious reactionary statements will also remain in print to keep the people vigilant and facilitate their critique. Given the varying local circumstances, the timing of the counteroffensive should be determined by each locality itself. At present, the priority is to organize symposiums involving the various democratic parties and institutions of higher learning, encouraging a vigorous debate among left-wing, centrist, and right-wing figures. This is of paramount importance. Beijing has already launched extensive symposiums with highly beneficial results.

(2) In one month, schools will enter summer vacation, and many students will return to their hometowns. You should immediately notify the four levels—province, county, district, and township—especially at the township level, to make preparations accordingly. The guiding principles are: (1) extend a warm welcome; (2) explain to returning students the advantages of collectivization, as well as the reasons why Class II and Class III cooperatives have not yet achieved satisfactory results but are expected to do so within a few years. Many of these students will come from families of landlords and rich peasants. Therefore, you must carry out thorough work among this group, urging them to educate their children properly. Should any student incite farmers to oppose the government, their errors should be criticized and they should be firmly taught a lesson; however, personal insults or physical violence are strictly prohibited. Reason and persuasion should always take precedence. This point is extremely important—please act without delay. Cities should also pay close attention.

(3) During this wave of activity, the vast majority of the bourgeoisie have behaved well and refrained from joining in the uproar. You should promptly convene meetings of representatives from the public sector, party secretaries, trade union chairpersons, and others to swiftly improve relations with the private sector, offering both encouragement and constructive criticism, breaking down barriers, and building friendships. At present, the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce and the China National Democratic Construction Association are directing their criticism toward figures such as Zhang Naiqi and Li Kangnian[1]; therefore, we should avoid overzealous action so as to unite the broad majority of the bourgeoisie while isolating the rightists and reactionaries within the democratic parties, among intellectuals, and among students.

(4) Among the democratic parties, university professors, and students alike, there exists a certain proportion of rightists and reactionaries. It is precisely this group that has been most vocal and disruptive during the current campaign. Their backgrounds are often complex: some were traitors; others had been subjected to rectification during the Three-Anti and Five-Anti Campaigns; still others are descendants of landlords, rich peasants, or capitalists, or have relatives who were suppressed. Although they are few in number, they can temporarily create an atmosphere of chaos, obscuring the sun and moon. Yet such storms do not last long—they subside before the day is out. In Beijing, for example, after several weeks of agitation, their momentum has now largely dissipated, and some have begun to waver and panic. Among the various parties, the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang, the China National Democratic Construction Association, the Jiusan Society, and the China Association for Promoting Democracy have generally performed well, whereas the League of Democratic Self-Government and the Peasants’ and Workers’ Party of China have fared the worst. Zhang Bojun and Luo Longji[2] have been energetically engaged in subversive activities, harboring grand ambitions: expanding the Communist Party, seeking equal political rights, actively seizing control of education, and predicting that within half a year or a year, widespread turmoil will erupt. They claim that Mao Zedong can no longer govern effectively and intends to resign; furthermore, they allege that the Communist Party is internally divided and will soon be overthrown. Their aspirations are entirely aligned with a capitalist agenda, and they deny the legitimacy of socialism. The proportion of rightists and reactionaries within the League of Democratic Self-Government is relatively high, exceeding ten percent, and they occupy many leadership positions. Our task is to expose and isolate them. The more they indulge in reckless rhetoric, the more it serves our interests. Nevertheless, the majority of members of the League remain either genuinely good or capable of being reformed. You are also urged to conduct specific, case-by-case analyses, based on factual evidence, accurately identifying targets and taking decisive action. During this campaign, it is imperative that reactionaries be publicly shamed and humiliated. We must unite the vast majority, isolate the tiny minority, and ensure that only an even smaller fraction is subjected to public disgrace.

The Central Committee June 10, 1957

Also sent immediately to Liu, Zhou, Chen, and Zhu[3] for review; Shangkun[4] dispatched it by telegram. ··Reprinted as previously indicated. Not distributed to Xinjiang or Tibet. Printed according to Mao Zedong’s handwritten draft.

--- Notes

Notes [1] Zhang Naiqi was then a member of the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, vice chairman of the China National Democratic Construction Association, and vice chairman of the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce. Li Kangnian was then a member of the central committee of the China National Democratic Construction Association, chairman of the Hongxing Textile Mill under public-private joint operation in Shanghai, general manager of the China Watch Factory, and manager of the Cuizhong Textile Mill.


[2] Zhang Bojun was then vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and vice chairman of the League of Democratic Self-Government. Luo Longji was then a member of the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and vice chairman of the League of Democratic Self-Government.


[3] Liu refers to Liu Shaoqi; Zhou refers to Zhou Enlai; Chen refers to Chen Yun, who at the time served as a vice chairman of the CPC Central Committee; Zhu refers to Zhu De. [ ] Shangkun refers to Yang Shangkun, who at the time held the post of alternate secretary of the CPC Central Secretariat and director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee.