Instructions on Steps and Strategic Issues
(June 10, 1957)
To the Shanghai Bureau, the Party Committees of all provinces and municipalities directly under the central government, and the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region Party Committee:

(1) The conditions in Beijing are now ripe; People’s Daily began its counterattack against the reactionaries on June 8. However, constructive criticism will continue to be published indefinitely. At the same time, selected egregious reactionary statements will also be reprinted to keep the people vigilant and facilitate further criticism. Since circumstances vary from place to place, the timing of launching a counteroffensive should be determined according to local conditions. For the present, the priority is to organize symposiums involving the various democratic parties and institutions of higher learning, encouraging debate among left-wing, centrist, and right-wing elements. This is of paramount importance. In Beijing, extensive symposiums are already underway with highly beneficial results.

(2) In one month, schools will enter summer vacation, and many students will return to their hometowns. You should immediately notify the four levels—province, county, district, and township—with particular emphasis on the township level—to make preparations accordingly. The guiding principles are: (a) extend a warm welcome; (b) explain to returning students the advantages of collectivization, as well as the reasons why Class II and Class III cooperatives have not yet achieved satisfactory results but are expected to improve within a few years. Many of these students will come from families of landlords and rich peasants; therefore, you must do thorough work among this group, urging them to educate their children properly. Should any student attempt to incite farmers against the government, their errors should be criticized and they should receive a stern lesson, yet no verbal abuse or physical violence is permitted. Reasoned argument should prevail, persuading people through logic. This point is extremely important—please act without delay. Attention should also be paid to urban areas.

(3) During this wave of activity, the vast majority of the bourgeoisie has behaved well and refrained from joining in the uproar. You should promptly convene meetings involving representatives of the public sector, party secretaries, trade union chairpersons, and others to swiftly improve relations with the private sector, offering both encouragement and criticism, breaking down barriers, and building friendships. Currently, the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce and the China National Democratic Construction Association are conducting criticism campaigns against figures such as Zhang Naiqi, Li Kangnian, and others. Therefore, we should avoid overdoing such efforts so as to unite the broad majority of the bourgeoisie while isolating the rightists, reactionaries, and other undesirable elements within the democratic parties, among intellectuals, and among students.

(4) Among the democratic parties, university professors, and students alike, there exists a certain proportion of rightists and reactionaries. It is precisely this group that has been most vocal and disruptive during the current campaign. Their backgrounds are often complex: some are turncoats; others were previously targeted during the Three-Anti and Five-Anti Campaigns; still others are descendants of landlords, rich peasants, or capitalists, or have relatives who have been subjected to repression. Although numerically small, they can temporarily create an atmosphere of chaos, obscuring the sun and moon. Nevertheless, such storms do not last long—they subside before the day is out. Taking Beijing as an example, after several weeks of agitation, the momentum has now largely dissipated, with some members beginning to waver and feel panic. Among the various political parties, the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, the China National Democratic Construction Association, the Jiusan Society, and the China Association for Promoting Democracy have generally performed well, whereas the League of Democratic Forces and the Peasants’ and Workers’ Democratic Party have fared the worst. Zhang Bojun and Luo Longji have openly engaged in subversive activities, harboring grand ambitions: they seek to expand the Communist Party’s influence, achieve equal power with it, actively seize control of education, and claim that within half a year or a year, widespread turmoil will erupt. They assert that Mao Zedong can no longer cope and thus intends to resign, leading to a split within the Communist Party and its imminent overthrow. Their aspirations are entirely aligned with a capitalist path, effectively denying the legitimacy of socialism. The proportion of rightists and reactionaries within the League of Democratic Forces is relatively high, exceeding ten percent, and they occupy numerous leadership positions. Our task is to expose and isolate them. The more they flaunt their absurd views, the more advantageous it becomes for us. That said, the majority of the League remains sound or holds promise for reform. You should conduct detailed analyses of individual cases, basing your assessments on facts and ensuring precision in both diagnosis and action. In the course of this movement, it is imperative that reactionaries be publicly shamed and humiliated.

We must unite the vast majority, isolate the tiny minority, and ensure that only a very small fraction—the truly recalcitrant—are publicly disgraced.
Central Committee
June 10, 1957
Instructed Liu, Zhou, Chen, and Zhu to review; sent via telegram by Yang Shangkun.
As printed above. Not to be distributed to Xinjiang or Tibet.
[1] Liu refers to Liu Shaoqi. Zhou refers to Zhou Enlai. Chen refers to Chen Yun, who at the time was a vice chairman of the CPC Central Committee. Zhu refers to Zhu De.
[2] Yang Shangkun was then a candidate member of the CPC Central Committee Secretariat and director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee.

--- Notes

[1] Zhang Naiqi served as a member of the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, vice chairman of the China National Democratic Construction Association, and concurrently chairman of the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce. Li Kangnian was then a member of the Central Committee of the China National Democratic Construction Association, chairman of the Hongxing Textile Mill under public-private joint operation in Shanghai, general manager of the China Watch Factory, and manager of the Cuizhong Textile Mill.
[2] Zhang Bojun held the post of vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and vice chairman of the League of Democratic Forces. Luo Longji served as a member of the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and vice chairman of the League of Democratic Forces.