[1]

April 25, 1956




There are those who show no vigor and vitality in their expressions of opinion.
The relationship between the lower echelon and the higher echelon is like
that of a mouse when it sees a cat. It is as if their souls have been eaten
away. Thus many dare not speak up. The various provinces have this same problem.
They are not sufficiently democratic, although the exemplary workers speak
up quite spiritedly. Our financial and economic conference and the Fourth
Plenary Session of the Central Committee have an auxiliary function, because
there are several rules and regulations on which not everyone dares speak
appropriately and some comrades do not dare express themselves at all.

Another reason for this is that they do not have sufficient understanding
of the situation and thus do not speak clearly and profoundly. In regard
to the financial and economic system, Comrades X X and Hsien-nieh have their
own opinions, but this is not a question of men. Only by changing the system
can we change the way of doing things, and we must give some power to those
below. Our discipline has come mostly from Soviet Union. By being too strict,
we will tie the hands of the people. If we cannot crush bureaucracy in this
way, then the proletarian dictatorship must have an appropriate system. In
regard to the problem of the division of power between the central government
and the local areas, and how the single-head system of the Soviet Union came
about, the Political Bureau and the State Council have still been unable
to make a decision. If the various localities want division of power, they
should not be fearful of talking of independence. Since the central government
has not made any decision on this, all of it can be brought up for discussion.
It is allowable for the various localities to first work up their own
regulations, by-laws, methods, and statutes. We should allow the various
localities to be full of creativity, spirit, and liveliness. Starting next
year, a large meeting should be held once a year. On 1 May there need not
be a large meeting; there can be small meetings and entertainment, and 1
May slogans of the Soviet Union need not be posted.

Since the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central Committee, we have been dull
and mechanical, and lacking in spirit. The Fourth Plenary Session should
be convened. Its resolutions are very necessary. Letting Kao Kang hold sway
for another year is unthinkable. But this has produced an over cautiousness
about everything, and some do not dare speak of national affairs, and this
is not right. Before the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central committee,
there were some sabotage incidents; these must be overcome. The sabotage
activities of Kao and Jao should be
terminated.[2] But some are overcautious and do
not speak of national affairs. A clear distinction should be made between
two kinds of national affairs. One type is destructive, like that of Kao
and Jao, and should be opposed. One type is constructive, and should be
thoroughly discussed. At the lime of the financial and economic
conference,[3] some comrades said the wrong thing
and were subject to criticism, but the Kao and Jao affairs should be
distinguished from them. The party at the time of the Great Revolution was
full of vitality. Later Ch'en Tu-hsiu committed the mistake of right opportunism,
and subsequently also started the blind leftist
movement.[4] After defeat, he was no longer lively.
In these eight years, the brief period following the "7 August" Conference
[5], the Sixth National Congress
[6] and the Third Plenary Session of the Party
Central Committee were correct.[7] During the period
of land reform, there were three leftist tendencies. During the period of
the anti-Japanese war, there was a rightist trend. Two of the leftist trends
were our own, and the third leftist trend and the Communist International
were related to each other. The Fourth Plenary Session's resolutions on the
third leftist trend were written by the Russians who forced us to accept
them, especially the Wang Ming line. It was the greatest loss to our
revolutionary power, the loss incurred amounting to over 90 percent. In view
of this lesson, we should accept things analytically and critically. Chang
Kuo-t'ao was rightist.[8] During the Anti-Japanese
War, he was also rightist. The three rightist movements were especially for
centralization, and they were not allowed to express a difference of views.
In defeat, they were not allowed to talk of defeat. In view of the lessons
of history, later every effort was made to remedy the situation, and there
was unify and fighting spirit. During the period of the Anti-Japanese War,
the spirit of independence of the base areas was very great, and local activism
was given expression, but there was a kind of decentralization. Some who
were working for independence expressed what should not be expressed. This
was related to the Wang Ming line. In order to correct this kind of phenomenon,
the central government made the decision to strengthen party nature. There
was to be centralization, but a good deal of autonomy was preserved. During
the period of the War of Liberation, there was formulated the system of reporting
for instructions, rectifying the previous tendency of
decentralization.[9] During the past few years,
it has been irregular, and there has been more centralization. After all,
how much autonomy should the industrial plants, the villages, the cooperatives,
and the localities have? The Soviet Union during the past 40 years has had
no experience in this, and we have no experience to study this. Since some
things are decided neither by the Central Government nor the localities,
they are just carried out as such, as for example the single-head system.
Comrade Hsueh-feng would bring up the questions before the central government
would discuss it. Our party historically has had the over-centralization
of the Wang Ming line and the over-decentralization of the Second Wang Ming
line. It is necessary to have an adequate amount of centralization, but too
much centralization is not right and not beneficial for the mobilization
of power to carry out large-scale economic reconstruction. Our comrades will
please study carefully our party's history on this.

The question of the individual and the state, and the ratio of collective
income. I agree that 60-70 percent of the total income should go to the commune
members, and 30-40 percent to the state and the commune. At most this should
not exceed 40 percent; and 30 percent is the best (including agricultural
taxes, besides the cooperative public welfare fund the public accumulation
fund, administrative fees, etc.)

The question of the system of the socialist economy:

The party committee system is not to be doubted. Please study Lenin's directives.
The industrial plants and mines, cooperatives, commercial flow and transport,
as well as other enterprises must have a definite independence, but the extent
to which they should be independent should be carefully studied. We are not
Kao Kang's Independent Kingdom, but should encourage open and legal "independent
kingdoms" (not above the constitution) if we are to manage our affairs well.
If we have none of this at all, we cannot manage our affairs well. How should
the State Council have division of labor in management and control? This
must be studied in order to find a solution. How many departments the central
government should have and how much power they should have are questions
which should be decided on shortly. As to how many departments the localities
should set up, over what matters they should have jurisdiction, and how much
power they should have, we should draft a resolution on this within the next
few months. The various departments of the central government should stress
the teaching of cadres for the lower levels to solve their problems. When
the localities come to the central government and cannot see the people in
charge, and there is delay and indecision, some problems do not get to be
solved for several years, and the reasons for this should be studied. These
two problems need solution: What method should be used so that the people
in charge can be seen, and also how can problems be expeditiously solved.
Will the various departments of the central government please give this their
attention.

The localities have the power to resist all inoperable, impractical, and
subjective orders, directives, instructions, and forms which the central
government issues to the localities, and if they are restrained a bit more,
it would not matter. This power is only given to the provincial and municipal
committees (which are comparatively more mature politically), and they are
not given to the committees of the localities and the counties.

The Party regulations should show discipline and creativeness: the mass line
should be manifested here, and the various provinces should study them a
bit. It will not do not to have discipline; but discipline, when enforced
inflexibly, can obstruct an attitude of positivism. Discipline which obstructs
creativeness and positivism should be abolished. In the draft party regulations
it would be stipulated that a vice-chairman or several vice-chairmen should
be designated. Whether or not it is possible to emulate the methods of the
Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and designate regular
delegates with 5-year terms to serve in a supervisory function, is something
to which everyone will please give consideration.

In the field of arts, "Let a hundred flowers bloom"; and in the literary
field, "Let a hundred schools of thought contend" (as they contended during
the Spring and Autumn and Warring States period [722- 481 B.C.]) This should
be our policy. This was the view of the people 2,000 years ago.

Democratic control of the cooperatives is very important. This is natural.
In collectivized labor, the peasants also should be given some free time.
It is right to listen to correct orders, but when orders are profuse, they
become too inflexible and inoperative. We also must have some liberalism;
it will not do otherwise. Strictness is derived from dealing with the unstrict.
Discipline arises from dealing with liberalism. What we are opposed to is:
We should not stir up the liberalism of the local liberals. But we must have
some liberalism in order to facilitate getting things done. It will not do
to be strict at all times. It is still necessary to have liberalism within
the family, otherwise each family will have to set up supervisory members.

It is necessary to have national balance. Local independence should not obstruct
national balance. Only with national balance can there be partial balance
for the localities. Without national balance, the country would be in great
chaos. Peking's things cannot match those of Shanghai, and they are afraid
that Shanghai goods will flood the market. So it is necessary to have national
balance. Without this balance, it will not be possible to make the nation
industrialized. When we encourage independence of the localities, we must
not lean to one side. Now it is necessary to stress independence.

We must positively touch on the economic activities of this year and next
year. Each provincial and municipal committee should report once, and work
up some exemplary models. We have had no experience in these matters, and
must try to find some departments, districts, and industrial plants to study.
Other people say the central government has brilliant leadership. We know
some things, but also do not know other things.

In four days of meetings, we cannot talk about everything. We have talked
too little about the suppression of counter-revolutionaries, the unification
of war efforts, the minority nationalities, and international problems. Will
the various areas please stress this to their subordinates. We should take
affirmative action in regard to the suppression of counter-revolutionaries.
In the past, we have killed, locked up, and controlled 2-3 million such persons,
and this was extremely necessary. Without this stroke, it would not do. The
democratic parties have divergent views from us. Now the counterrevolutionaries
are fewer. We should take affirmative action to see if there are still any
counterrevolutionaries, and this year decide upon having some of them killed.
They must be liquidated in the strategic organizations and schools. Those
not yet liquidated must be liquidated. We cannot be lax and lenient; we must
carry out this bitter task. We should telephone once every half month to
urge them into action. You can also use the telephone method towards the
local committees.

Punishment within the party: In regard to some cadres in the counties, districts,
and townships, this has been too much and too severe. In regard to high level
cadres (including bureau chiefs and above) who commit errors and on whom
it is difficult to reach a conclusion, the punishment should be carried out
(and the reasons therefore should be clearly investigated). It is not right
for the punishment to be severe and too heavy. With the exception of the
counterrevolutionaries, they should be given the chance to reform.

In regard to the problem of minority nationalities, Comrade X X has said
that Szechwan is right. Although some retribution has been made, attention
needs to be paid to other areas.

The question of international relations. Some points should not be blindly
followed. On some matters we already have experience. The Soviet Union has
already initiated a mass criticism campaign. Some of it is neither suitable
for our country nor to the Soviet Union. We have committed many errors in
view of their direct leadership. For example, in regard to the suppression
of counterrevolutionarics, we would not catch most of them and would not
kill many of them. The single-head system is a military standpoint. The mass
line is still the standpoint of graceful favors. Whether the method of capital
accumulation should be by disparity (in prices between industrial goods and
agricultural produce) or by tax collection is a problem. But this is not
to say that we have nothing to learn from the Soviet Union. They have many
things which are worthy of our study. The Soviet Union helped us in our
reconstruction, and socialist countries are still the best at this. Now even
with this one country, although it has made many errors, there is still much
that merits our study. We should not follow blindly, but should subject
everything to analysis. There is good and bad in everything. We cannot say
that everything the Soviet Union does is good. Now, people are saying, that
we have been following even what is bad. We should learn whatever is suitable
for our use. Even the good in capitalism should be learned.

We should adopt an attitude of equal treatment to all small nations abroad.
We should not cock our tail. Although we are not imperialists, do not have
an "Octoberist Revolution," and in the beginning cannot cock our tail; we
shall soon learn a few things and shall soon be able to cock our tail. We
should teach our comrades who are sent to foreign countries to be honest
and sincere, and call a spade a spade; and we must let everyone see what
is good, bad, or mediocre in us. The Soviet Union had its Czars; and we have
our Chiang Kai-shek. If our country has small feet, and others want to photograph
them, let them do it. If our clothes are not good, let us not be afraid they
will look unsightly. If we tell lies in front of foreigners, someday these
lies will surely be exposed.

As to the problem of communication, some things can be talked about anywhere.
The bad things about Stalin and the Third International can be communicated
to the local committee secretaries and also to the county committee secretaries.
It is out of consideration for the total situation that these are not written
about in articles. (This article had only one sentence about "certain bad
ideas being brought up,") and we have no intention of discussing them in
newspapers or among the masses.

NOTES


1. In this connection also see comrade Mao's article
"On Ten Major Relationships", Selected
Works of Mao Tse-tung Vol.V, pp. 284-307

2. For more on Kao-Jao (Kao Kang-Jao Shushi) affair, see
"Speeches at the National Conference of the
Communist Party of China", Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol.
V, pp.154-171.

3. The National Conference on Financial and Economic Work
was held in the summer of 1953.

4. Chen Tu-hsiu was originally a professor at Peking University
and became famous as an editor of New Youth. He was one of
the founders of the Communist Party of China. Because of his reputation at
the time of the May 4th Movement and owing to the Party's immaturity in its
initial period, he became General Secretary of the Party. In the last period
of the revolution of 1924-27, the Rightist thinking in the Party represented
by Chen Tu-Hsiu developed into a line of capitulationism. Comrade Mao Tse-tung
has observed that the capitulationists at that time "voluntarily gave up
the Party's leadership of the peasant masses, urban petty bourgeoisie and
middle bourgeoisie, and in particular gave up the Party's leadership of the
armed forces, thus causing the defeat of the revolution"
("The Present Situation and Our Tasks",
Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV, p. 171). After the defeat
of 1927 Chen Tu-hsiu and a handful of other capitulationists lost faith in
the future of the revolution and became liquidationists.. They took the
reactionary Trotskyist stand and together with the Trotskyites formed a small
anti-Party group. Consequently Chen Tu-hsiu was expelled from the Party
in November 1929. He died in 1942.

With reference to Chen Tu-Hsiu's Right opportunism, see the introductory
notes to "Analysis of the Classes in Chinese
Society" and to "Report on the Investigation
into the Peasant Movement in Hunan", Selected Works of Mao
Tse-tung, Vol. 1, and "Introducing
The Communist", Selected Works of Mao
Tse-tung, Vol. II

5. The CPC held an emergency conference of the Central
Committee on August 7, 1927, at Kiukiang, Kiangsi Province. The conference
criticized the erroneous capitulationist line of the Right opportunist Chen
Tu-hsiu on the question of revolutionary leadership, revolutionary armed
forces and agrarian revolution and removed him from the leading post.

6. The Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of
China was held in July 1928. It pointed out that after the defeat in 1927,
China's revolution remained bourgeois-democratic in nature; i.e.,
anti-imperialist and anti-feudal, and that since the inevitable new high
tide in the revolution was not yet imminent, the general line for the revolution
should be to win over the masses. The Sixth Congress liquidated the 1927
Right Capitulationism of Chen Tu-hsiu and also repudiated the "Left" putschism
which occurred in the Party at the end of 1927 and the beginning of 1928.

The congress adopted the following Ten-Point Programme: (1) overthrow imperialist
rule; (2) confiscate foreign capitalist enterprises and banks; (3) unify
China and recognize the right of the nationalities to self-determination;
(4) overthrow the Kuomintang warlord government (5) establish a government
of councils of workers, peasants and soldiers, (6) institute the eight-hour
day, increase wages, and establish unemployment relief and social insurance
(7) confiscate the land of all landlords and distribute the land among the
peasants; (8) improve the living conditions of the soldiers, give land and
jobs to ex-soldiers; (9) abolish all exorbitant taxes and miscellaneous levies
and adopt a consolidated progressive tax and (10) unite with the world
proletariat, unite with the Soviet Union.

7. The Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee
of the Party held in September 1930, and the subsequent central leading body
adopted many positive measures to put an end to the Li-Li-san line. But later
a number of Party comrades who were inexperienced in practical revolutionary
struggle, with Chen Shao-yu (Wang Ming) and Chin Pang-hsien (Po Ku) in the
lead, came out against the Central Committee's measures. In the pamphlet,
The Two Lines or The Struggle for the Further Bolshevization of the Communist
Party of China, they most emphatically declared that
the main danger then existing in the Party was not "Left" opportunism but
"Right opportunism" and, to justify their own activities, they "criticized"
the Li Li-san line as "Rightist". They put forward a new political programme
which continued, revived or developed the Li Li-san line and other "Left"
ideas and policies in a new guise, and set themselves against the correct
line of Comrade Mao Tse-tung. It was mainly to criticize the military mistakes
of this new "Left" opportunist line that Comrade Mao Tse-tung wrote the article,
"Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary
War". This line was dominant in the Party from the Fourth Plenary Session
of the Sixth Central Committee in January 1931 to the meeting of the Political
Bureau convened by the Central Committee at Tsunyi, Kweichow Province, in
January 1935, which ended the dominance of this erroneous line and established
the new central leadership headed by Comrade Mao Tse-tung. The erroneous
"Left" line dominated the Party for a particularly long time (four years)
and brought extremely heavy losses, with disastrous consequences, to the
Party and the Revolution. A loss of 90 percent was inflicted on the Chinese
Communist Party, the Chinese Red Army and its base areas, tens of millions
of people in the revolutionary base areas were made to suffer the cruel
oppression of the Kuomintang, and the progress of the Chinese revolution
was retarded. The overwhelming majority of the errant comrades have realized
and corrected their mistakes through a long process of learning from experience
and have done much good work for the Party and people. Under Comrade Mao
Tse-tung's leadership they united with the masses of other comrades in the
Party on the basis of a common political understanding.

8. Chang Kuo-tao was a renegade from the Chinese revolution.
In early life, speculating on the revolution, he joined the Chinese Communist
Party. In the Party he made many mistakes resulting in serious crimes. The
most notorious of these was his opposition, in 1935, to the Red Army's northward
march and his defeatism and liquidationism in advocating withdrawal by the
Red Army to the minority-nationality areas on the Szechuan-Sikang borders;
what is more, he openly carried out traitorous activities against the Party
and the Central Committee, established his own bogus central committee, disrupted
the unity of the Party and the Red Army, and caused heavy losses to the Fourth
Front Army of the Red Army. But thanks to patient education by Comrade Mao
Tse-tung and the Central Committee, the Fourth Front Army and its numerous
cadres soon returned to the correct leadership of the Central Committee of
the Party and played a glorious role in subsequent struggles. Chang Kuo-tao
however, proved incorrigible and in the spring of 1934 he skipped out of
the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region and joined the Kuomintang secret police.

9. See "On Setting up a
System of Reports", Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Vol IV, pp.
177-180..


Transcription by the Maoist Documentation Project.