Annotations and Revisions to the Draft “On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat”
IV
The dictatorship of the proletariat differs fundamentally in nature from that of any previous exploiting class. It is the dictatorship of the exploited, a rule of the majority over the minority; it is a dictatorship aimed at creating a socialist society free from exploitation and poverty—a dictatorship that represents the most progressive stage in human history and, at the same time, its final form. Such a dictatorship
bears the greatest and most arduous tasks in history, confronting struggles of unparalleled complexity and tortuous paths. Consequently, its work—just as Lenin pointed out—inevitably involves numerous errors. Should certain communists succumb to arrogance and rigidity of thought, they may even repeat mistakes previously committed by themselves or by others. This is something we communists must fully recognize.
V
It is the responsibility of all leading cadres within the Communist Party and socialist states to minimize errors, avoid serious ones whenever possible, draw lessons from isolated, localized, and temporary blunders, and strive to prevent such incidents from escalating into nationwide, long-term problems. To achieve this goal, every leader must exercise utmost prudence and humility, maintain close ties with the masses, consult them on all matters, conduct thorough investigations into actual conditions, and engage regularly in appropriate criticism and self-criticism. Stalin, as one of the principal leaders of the Party and the state, fell into serious errors during the latter part of his career precisely because he failed to do so. He became conceited and imprudent; subjectivism and one-sidedness took root in his thinking, leading him to make erroneous decisions on crucial issues with grave adverse consequences.

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Marxist-Leninists acknowledge the significant role played by leaders throughout history. The people and their political parties require advanced figures who can represent the interests and will of the masses, stand at the forefront of historical struggles, and lead the broad masses forward. To deny the role of individuals, particularly that of outstanding and guiding figures, is entirely wrong. However, when any leader of the Party or the state places himself above the Party and the masses rather than among them, when he becomes detached from the people, he inevitably loses a comprehensive understanding of national affairs. Under such circumstances, even an exceptional figure like Stalin could not help but make unrealistic and erroneous decisions on important matters. In certain cases, Stalin failed to learn from individual, local, and temporary mistakes, allowing them to develop into widespread and prolonged serious errors. During the later years of his life, Stalin increasingly indulged in the cult of personality, violating the principle of democratic centralism and the system combining collective leadership with individual accountability, which resulted in major blunders such as the excessive purges, insufficient vigilance on the eve of the anti-fascist war, inadequate attention to further agricultural development and the material well-being of peasants, and misguided initiatives in the international communist movement, especially the erroneous decision regarding Yugoslavia. In these matters, Stalin succumbed to subjectivism and partiality, losing touch with objective reality and with the masses.
VII
Some argue that the contradiction between idealism and materialism can be eliminated in socialist or communist societies, but this view is clearly incorrect. As long as contradictions persist between the subjective and the objective, between the advanced and the backward, and between productive forces
Annotations and Revisions to the Draft “On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat”
and relations of production, the contradiction between materialism and idealism will continue to exist in both socialist and communist societies, manifesting itself in various forms. Humans live within society and, under different circumstances and to varying degrees, reflect the contradictions inherent in any given social formation. Therefore, even in a communist society, no one will be perfect. Individuals will still harbor their own contradictions; there will always be good and bad people, those with relatively correct ideas and those with less sound ones. Consequently, conflicts among people will persist, though their nature and form will differ from those in class-based societies.
VIII
Following the victory of the revolution, when the working class and the Communist Party have become the leading class and party in governing the entire country, our Party and state’s leading cadres face a considerable danger: bureaucratic tendencies can lead to arbitrary actions by state organs, detachment from the masses, abandonment of collective leadership, imposition of commands, and undermining of the democratic institutions of the Party and the state. If we are to avoid falling into this trap, we must pay even closer attention to implementing a mass-line approach to leadership without the slightest negligence. To this end, we need to establish specific mechanisms to ensure the consistent application of the mass line and collective leadership, preventing the prominence of individualism and hero worship, and reducing subjectivism and one-sidedness that stem from a disconnect with objective realities.
IX
In light of such dogmatic errors, during the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
proposed the policy of “developing progressive forces, winning over the intermediate forces, and isolating the diehard forces” in order to defeat the Japanese aggressors. By “progressive forces,” we refer to the power of workers, peasants, and revolutionary intellectuals led and influenced by the Party. The “intermediate forces” encompass the national bourgeoisie, various democratic parties, and non-affiliated democrats. The “diehard forces” consist of comprador-feudal elements headed by Chiang Kai-shek, who engaged in passive resistance against Japan while actively opposing the Communists. Practical experience has demonstrated that this policy was well-suited to the conditions of the Chinese revolution and proved to be correct.
X
Throughout its history, the Communist Party of China has experienced several instances of serious errors. During the revolutionary period from 1924 to 1927, our Party adopted a right-leaning opportunist line represented by Chen Duxiu. From 1927 to 1936, two left-leaning opportunist lines emerged within the Party, the most severe being the Li Lisan line in 1930 and the Wang Ming line from 1931 to 1934, with the latter causing the most damage to the revolution. During this time, Zhang Guotao also followed a right-leaning opportunist line in opposition to the Party Central Committee in a key revolutionary base area, severely weakening a portion of our revolutionary forces. With the exception of Zhang Guotao’s line, which was confined to a single base, all these errors were of a nationwide scale. Later, during the War of Resistance Against Japan, another right-leaning opportunist line led by Comrade Wang Ming appeared within the Party. However, having learned from the mistakes of the previous two revolutionary periods, the Party did not allow this line to gain traction; it was swiftly corrected by the Party Central Committee. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, in 1953, a counter-Party alliance formed by Gao Gang and Rao Shushi once again arose.

Annotations and Revisions to the Draft “On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat”
This counter-Party coalition represented domestic and foreign reactionary forces, aiming to undermine the revolutionary cause. Had the Party Central Committee not detected it early and promptly dismantled it, the losses to the Party and the revolution would have been immeasurable.
From this it is evident that our Party’s historical experience has been forged through its struggle against various erroneous lines, thereby achieving great revolutionary and constructive victories. As for localized and isolated mistakes, they frequently occur in the course of work. Only by relying on the collective wisdom of the Party and the people, promptly exposing and overcoming them, can we prevent them from spreading into nationwide, long-term errors or turning into major disasters that harm the populace.
XI
Communists must adopt an analytical attitude toward the mistakes that have occurred in the international communist movement. Some believe that Stalin was entirely wrong, which is a serious misunderstanding. Stalin was indeed a great Marxist-Leninist, yet he was also a Marxist-Leninist who made several grave errors without fully recognizing their significance. We should view Stalin through a historical lens, conducting a comprehensive and balanced analysis of both his merits and demerits, so as to draw valuable lessons. Whether it concerns his achievements or his shortcomings, they are all manifestations of the international communist movement, bearing the imprint of their respective eras. Overall, the international communist movement is still relatively young—little more than a century old since the October Revolution, and only thirty-nine years since then. Our accumulated experience in revolutionary work remains limited. While we have achieved remarkable successes, we also have our share of flaws and errors. Just as one success often paves the way for another, one flaw or error, once overcome, may give rise to new ones, which we must continue to address. Nevertheless, our accomplishments consistently outweigh our shortcomings, and our strengths generally exceed our weaknesses. Flaws and errors are always meant to be rectified. A good leader

does not lie in never making mistakes, but in dealing earnestly with them. No one in the world has ever been completely free from error. Lenin said: “Publicly acknowledging mistakes, revealing their causes, analyzing the circumstances that gave rise to them, and carefully discussing ways to correct them—this is the hallmark of a serious party, this is how a party fulfills its duties, and this is how we educate and train the class, ultimately benefiting the masses.” Following Lenin’s legacy, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is now seriously addressing certain grave errors made by Stalin during his leadership of socialist construction, along with their lingering consequences. Given the severity of these consequences, the CPSU deems it necessary not only to affirm Stalin’s great contributions but also to sharply expose the essence of his mistakes, urging the entire Party to take heed and resolutely eliminate the adverse effects they have caused. We Chinese communists firmly believe that, following this sharp critique at the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, all positive factors previously suppressed by certain erroneous policies will be widely revitalized. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet people will unite more closely than before, striving to build a magnificent communist society unprecedented in human history and to secure lasting peace throughout the world.
All reactionary forces worldwide are mocking this development, ridiculing our camp for overcoming its own mistakes. What will be the outcome of such mockery? Undoubtedly, it will result in the emergence of a stronger, invincible front led by the Soviet Union—dedicated to peace and socialism—standing firm against them, while those who mock us will find their predatory endeavors utterly futile.