Preface and Editor's Notes to Material on the Hu Feng Counterrevolutionary Clique
(May-June, 1955)

Source: Hu Feng cailiao. Other Chinese Texts: RMRB (May 13, 1955), 2-3;
RMRB (May 24, 1955), 2-3; RMRB (June 10, 1955), 2-3, Xuanji, V, pp.
157-159, 160-167 (selections); Buyi, pp, 30-35, 36-41 (selections); Xuexi
wenjian, pp, 28-30, 40-51 (selections); Wansui (1967b), pp. 11-12 (selections), Wenyi yulu, passim (selections), Available English Translations: SW,
V. pp. 172-175, 176-183 (selections); J. Chen, ed. (1970), pp. 51-55,

The comments represented here have also been quoted in many articles and essays not
written by Mao since their initial appearances, and excerpts have appeared in many
articles contained in periodicals such as Current Background. These are too numerous
to be cited here, These comments made by Mao are scattered throughout the book
titled Guanyu Hu Feng fan geming jituan de cailiao (hereafter abbreviated as Hu Feng
Cailiao) which is cited here as the principal source. In the RMRB source as well as in
Xuanji, V, which are cited here as alternate sources, they are also scattered. To list
the pages on which they appear in these sources in the source note here would therefore be cumbersome. We have, instead, written an explanatory note to go with each
fection in which the exact location in the various sources of that particular section is
(dicated. In these explanatory notes, the citation “Book” refers to the book Hu Feng
*ailiao, and “RMRB version” refers to the respective issues of RMRB (i-e., May 13,
'9S5., for the first editor's comment, May 24, 1955, for the editor's comment and sec~
"Ona! commentaries for the “Second Collectian,”* and June 10, 1955, for the editor's
Comment and sectional Commentaries for the “Third Collection” }.

Since the Preface to Hu Feng cailiao is included in Xuanji. we have conclusive evidence that it was written by Mao. At the same time, since some Of the 800tioney
mentaries for both the “Second” and "Third Collections” were collected ta Xigys
which they were known under the title “selections.” we have reason to belie.
these sectional commentaries, which stand out against the remainder of the tery j,
Hu Feng cailiao and in RMRB by a different typeface, may all have been fixe
ing. Evidence for attributing to Mao the “editor's comments” to the “Sere
“Third” collections, on the other hand, is mostly circumstantial in
sources small excerpts ur phrases from them have been attributed either
indirectly to Mao, For instance, in PRC newspapers in the late 1960S, many snueh,
tations appeared in the bold typeface that usually, in thase days, indicated ay rit
ts Mao.

The book Hu Feng cailiag was published by Renmin chubanshe in 1955.
is dated June 15, 1955, tt contains an RMRB editorial comment (May 13.
article by Shu Wu, reprints of the “Second” and “Third” “Collection of Mi
the Hu Feng Counterrevolutionary Clique” fram RMRB (May 24 and June
and the editorial of the June 10, 1955, issue of RMRB. The “Second Co
includes sixty-eight lems altogether, divided into Jive sections. TI
Collection” includes sixty-seven items, divided under six headings. There
passages of comment to the “Second Collection,” the first we of which ditt
in the original RMRB version, The first of these two appears separately in Kaan
There ure altogether nineteen sectional comments 0 the “Third Callection,”

This is the single largest batch of materials gathered into a political
against a target in PRE literary and artistic circles, This und Mao's
participation in the campaign indicate the significance uf the “Hu Feng
Ir was particularly intense because, as the comments to the collection
cate, the controversy involved the exposure of a conspiratorial clique auf writer
who not only criticized the Communist Party's line on literature and art.
allegedly stole secret Party documents ax well. The timing was aise sige
As many of our notes herein indicate, the Hu Feng Affair has to be
historically in conjunction with the campaigns 10 criticize
“counterrevolutionary” literary studies and productions, principally Yu
bo's study af Hongloumeng, and the movie Qing gong mishi (The Secret A
of the Qing Court) (see texts October 1954 (1) und (2)), ay well ax with Ie ual
paign against “the bourgeois thought of Hu Shi* (see rea Dee. 1954).

The campaign against Ha Feng, therefore, had very broad ramificatic
represented one of the two major political “purging” seasons. ti
mid-1950s, the other one being the campaign against Gao Gang and Raw Sh
shi. This latter campaign was largely an intra-Party matter. dealing with
tons within the CPC thar sought to split political power off from the Party Cet
ter and from the Mao-influenved central government apparatus, The Hu Fer

Affair, on the other hand, represented the deep current of antagonism between
the CPC and a significant sector of China's Intellectuals, which hail re pet,
and continued to rebel against Mao's (and the CPC’ 5) insistence that instead

“art for art's sake,” people in literary and artistic work must adapt gpie
fo a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary purpose in their areas of work. The txsie®
principle at stake it the Hu Feng Affair therefore broadly underlined the CPE

Ongoing relations and struggles with intellectuals.

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APRIL — JUNE 1955 + 56!

hang Gufet (a.k.a, Zhang Guanyren), alias Hu Feng (6. 1903), was a
Jnerary critic, essayist, and poet, He was generally Marxist in his literary ofientation and was a disciple of Lu Xun (see text Apr. 25, 1956, note 10). Jn 1925
jw joined the “Socialist Youth League” led then by Chen Shaoyu (Wang Ming),
anid in 1928, when he went to Keio University in Japan, he joined the Japanese
Communist Party. In the mid-1930s, back in China, he joined the League of
Left-wing Writers. In 1936, he became a controversial figure in a debate with
Ziww Yorg, who advocated “National defense literature” (yuotang wenyi), Hu
ot the time coined the slogan “Popular Literature in the Nationalist Revolutionary War" (guomin geming zhanzheng zhong de dazong wenxue). This debate
continued, though in a somewhat abated fashion, through the years of the War
uf Resistince against Japan and the civil war that followed. Jn 1945 he returned
1 Shanghai from Chongqing and in 1948 wax escorted by the CPC to the liberured area in the North (his life being endangered at the tine because of his leffist identity) on the eve of the CPC's crossing of the Yangtze River (see text Jan.
27, 1957 (1), note 12). In 1954 he was named as a delegate for Sichuan to the
First National People’s Congress, In July of that year, he attacked the CPC line
on literary work, blaming the Party authorities in that area for the failure of literary development in China, and as a result of the controversy over the study
made of the novel Hongloumeng by Yu Pingbo, wharn he defended. became
himself a target of intense criticism by the “Party-liners” in the Chinese Association of Writers and the Chinese Federation of Literary and Artistic Circles,
especially Zhou Yang und Guvw Moruo, On May 25, 1955, he was removed from
the membership of these two federations and stripped of his position as delegate
to the NPC. For a more detailed biography af Hu Feng, see D, Klein and A.
Clark, eds.(1971), 1, pp. 377-379, and Li Liming (1977), pp. 233234, and H
Boorman et al., eds, (1968), 1, pp. 155-158.

Preface

In response to the needs of the broad masses of readers, we have put together
and turned over to the People’s Publishing House for publication the three
batches of materials on the Hu Feng counterrevolutionary clique published in
Renmin ribao [People’s Daily) during the period from May 13, 1955, to June
10, 1955, along with the Renmin ribao editorial of June 10, 1955. The title of
the volume is Guanyu Hu Feng fan geming jituan de cailiao |A Collection of
Materials on the Hu Feng Counterrevolutionary Clique.] In this volume we
have included Hu Feng's “My Self-Criticism,”’ as a piece of source material
through which the readers may study this counterrevolutionary double-dealer
faction. However, we have treated it only as an appendix and have placed it
afler Shu Wu's article “Materials.” We have made a few changes in wording
to the comments on and notes to these three [batches of] “materials.” In the
Second [batch of] “materials” we have revised a few of the notes, made some
additional notes, and added two comments, For the sake of uniformity, the
Phrase “anti-Party clique” in the titles of the first two articles has been
Changed to “counterrevolutionary clique” to conform to [the phrasing of] the
third article. Everything else remains as it was originally.

We estimate that the publication of this book, like the publication of these


me § MAU ZELAUNT

materials in Renmin ribao, will attract attention from two Of neg
On the one hand, the counterrevolutionary elements will Pay Attention »
On the other hand, the broad masses of the people will give iteven men
fon.
Counterrevolutionary elements and persons with w certain counterps rol
ury sentiment will find (themselves) in sympathy with [what is expres
the correspondence among the Hu Feng elements. Hu Feng and the | tu f
elements are, indeed, mouthpieces for all counterrevolutionary F
cliques, and individuals, Counterrevolutionary elements who Set hold pj
book will delight in the words with which they revile the revolution, as ws
in their activities and plans; [this volume) will also provide them , ith ,
education of # Counterrevolutionary nature about the class struggle, No pay
What the circumstances, however, it will not save them from de ruc
These documents of the Hu Feng elements, like all those documents of
protectors ~ the imperialists and Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang — ¢
that oppose the Chinese people and are counterrevolutionary, are :
Of successes; they are records of defeats. They have not saved thel
vlique from destruction, “—
The broad masses of the people have a great need for a set of mate
this kind. How did the counterrevolutionary elements play their do
ing tricks? How did they deceive us with false images and sure
Carry Out activities unsuspected by us? All this was unknown to thou
upon thousands of yood People. It is precisely for this reason th a
many counterrevolutionary elements have wormed theit way into ou ri
Our eyesight has not been very keen; we haven't been very good ut dish
guishing good people from bad ones. We may be good at distinguishing ge
people from bad people when they are carrying out activities und er no
conditions, but we are not good at distinguishing certain people who carry «
activities under unusual circumstances. The Hu Feng elements were eau
revolutionary elements who appeared in disguise; they gave peop cal
image and hid their true face. However, since their Purpose was CoUnteHTE
lutionary, they could not-conceal their true face thoroughly. Being rep
tives of a clique, they disputed with us on many Occasions, both before :
after Liberation. Their (public) pronouncements and actions not only diff
from those of Communist Party members, but also from those of the
masses of revolutionaries and democratic personages outside the Pai
recent big exposé is nothing more than Jour) getting hold of a large r
incontestable evidence against them. With regard to quite a few
among the Hu Feng elements, the reason we were deceived by them is >
Party organization, stute organs, people’s organizations, cultural ar de
tonal organizations, as well as business organizations, failed [to carry Om
SIICt investigation procedures at the time they took it [these people]. [as
because in the past Wwe were in a period of great revolutionary storm. :
Were the victors, s0 all sorts of people came over to our side. It was Roe
ble to have sand mixed with mud and fish mingled with dragons, and We!
not as yet have the time to sift them out thoroughly. Furthermore, the

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gistinguishing and purging bad persons can be done only by relying on the
integration of correct leadership on the part of the leading organs and a high
degree Of consciousness among the broad masses, and this aspect of our work
jas been deficient in the past. All these things are lessons for us.

We are taking the Hu Feng affair seriously because we want to use it to educate the broad masses of the people, first of all those literate working cadres
and the intellectuals. We recommend these “materials” to them in order to
ruse their level of consciousness. These “materials” have an enormous incisiveness and lucidity which will command people's attention. The counterreyolutianaries will certainly pay attention to them, and revolutionaries will
especially give them attention. As long as the broad masses of the revolutionwry people learn something from this affair and these materials, thus having
their revolutionary enthusiasm stirred up and their ability to distinguish (good
from bad persons] enhanced, we will gradually uncover the various kinds of
covert counterrevolutionaries,

‘The Editorial Department,
Renmin ribao
June 15, 1955

Renmin ribao’s Editor's Camment (May 13, 1955)

The reason for our publishing only now Hu Feng's “My Self-Criticism,”
which he first wrote in January, revised in February, and to which he added an
“afterword” in March, along with Shu Wu's “Material on the Hu Feng Counlerrevolutionary Clique,” is to prevent Hu Feng from making use of our newspapers to continue to deceive the readers. From the materials brought to light
in Shu Wu's article, the readers can see how early Hu Feng and the anti-Comthunuist, antipeople, counterrevolutionary clique” he led showed their bostility, enmity, and hatred for the Communist and non-Communist progressive
Wniers. Can the readers possibly detect even the slightest revolutionary flavor
in Hu Feng's letters to Shu Wu? Isn't the odor emanating from these letters
“xactly the same as the one we used to detect in such journals as Shehui xinwen [Social News| and Xinwen tiandi (The World of News! published by the
Kuomintang secret service organs? He talks about “a petty-bourgeois revoluonary character and standpoint,” “realistic literature and art based on democratic demands and the various antifeudal, antitraditional tendencies,” “the
Mandpoint of sharing the fute of the people,” “a spirit of revolutionary
humaniturianism,” “an anti-imperialist, antifeudal revolutionary ideology of
People's liberation,” “in accordance with the Party's political program,” and
“Wit had not been for the revolution and the Chinese Communist Party I per-
*“onally would not have been able to find a secure spot in which to make a liv-
‘Ng for the past twenty or more years.” Are all these statements believable? If
he were not putting up a false signpost but were an intellectual who truly had a
“petty-bourgeois revolutionary character and standpoint” (there are thousands
“pon thousands of such people in China, and they cooperate with the Commu-
Mist Party und are willing (o accept the Party’s leadership), could he have


34 | MAO ZEDONG

adopted such u hostile, inimical, and hateful attitude toward the Pape
progressive writers?” What is false is false; the disguise must be peat. hh
is. possible that there are still people among the Hu Feng counterreviyy
clique wha, like Shu Wo, were deceived and now do not Wish to fopeies
along with Hu Feng. They should hand over to the LOVEMIMENE still pp
materials exposing Hu Feng. Concealment cannot last long: the day wify fcc
tably come when the truth is exposed. Even the strategy of shifime oe
attack to retreat (that is, self-criticism) cannot deceive people. Self-erras
must be like that of Shu Wu; phony self-criticism won't do, La | 2"
have received even more secret letters from Hu feng. We hope he wills
them in. Everyone who was mixed up with Hu Feng and who has heees
secret letters from him should Hand them over. Turing [the letters) j
better than holding on to them Or destroying them, Hu Feng should y
the task of pecling off his mask and not make deceitful sel-criticigm
only way out for Hu Feng and everyone in the Hu Feng faction is to p
their mask, expose the real situation, help the government to thoroughly ¢
ify the whole picture on Hu Feng and his counterrevolutionary clique,
become people from now on.

Editor's Comment to the Second Collection of Materials on the HW Fe
Counterrevolutionary Clique
[May 24, 1955] e,
Since the publication of Shu Wu's Some Materials on the Hu Feng G6
terrevolutionary Clique.” people have become incensed about Hu Fene’s a
Communist, antipeople, and counterrevolutionary evildoings. 7
newspaper has already received from readers in every part of the cou
from all circles a large quantity of essays and letters. They unan
demand that the evils of Hu Feng and his clique be fully exposed.
of indignation cannot be suppressed. However, some people who syn
with Hu Feng, or who say they are against Hu Feng but in their heart
thize with him, are saying that those materials were mostly from before baber
ation and cannot be the basis for conviction. Well, then, now take a look
second collection of materials. .
The materials we are now publishing have been excerpted from sixtyet
secret letters Hu Feng sent to the members of his reactionary clique. 4 Ath
letters Were written by Hu Feng since the time the entire country” ae
ated. In these letters Hu Feng viciously reviles the Chinese Commun see
Smears the Party's guidelines in literature and art, slanders comrades 10
lions of responsibility in the Party. and curses Party-member and ne
writers in literury and artistic circles. In these letters Hu Feng orders
bers of his reactionary clique to carry out sinister anti-Communist.
activities and organizes them secretly and jn a planned way to launch =
altacks against the Chinese Conununist Party and the Jiterary and inion’
led by the Party, In these letters, Hu Feng urges his adherents to mal ar
way Into the Communist Party and revolutionary organizations in Om

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I
establish # base, to expand their “power,” to do intelligence work, and to steal
jnteroal Party documents. From these letters, people can clearly see that after
Liberation Hu Feng went even further with his double-dealing tricks; Publicly
{his position] was “don’t clash with them,” “go along with the Party and the
people.” but covertly he intensified “sharpening [his] sword and maintaining a
jookout,” and “used the Monkey King’s strategem of crawling into the belly”
jinfiltration| to carry out counterrevolutionary activities.” After his reckless
aitucks against the Party failed, he quickly directed his. adherents to plan «
retreat, to “find a second life in patient endurance." Everyone was to prepare 4
false self-examination in order to lay low for a while, awaiting an opportunity
jo mse up again. This is evidence of the extremely serious nature of the coun.
ierrevoluuionary conspiracy of Hu Feng and his clique. We must redouble our
vigilance and certainly not be taken in by their trick of feigning surrender.

In most Of the letters between Hu Feng and the members of his clique, devious and covert devices were used. Hu. Feng made arrangements with them for
the use of codes and secret allusions in their letters, Whenever comrades in
positions of responsibility in the Chinese Communist Party and in literary and
artistic circles and Party-member writers were referred to in the letters, code
names were used for them. The names of the addressees and Hu Feng’s own
signature were also very inconsistent; the name on the envelope was often that
of the wife of the person who was supposed to receive the letter, or someone
else entirely; the signature at the end of the letter was often charged or absent
aiogether. Many of Hu Feng’s letters were written on Renmin ribav or
Jiefang riba stationery. Many of the envelopes carried return addresses such
a5 “Luo of the Shanghai New Literature and Art Publishing House,” or “Luo
of Qingnian bao, Shanghai,” or “Zhang of the Beijing Central Drama
School,” or the names of some other organizations.

The following are materials excerpted from these secret letters. They are
divided into three categories according to content, Within each category they
are arranged, on the whole, chronologically, with necessary explanations
‘udded. All the underscoring in the letters is in the originals,

*#f

The so-called **regimentation of public opinion’’ mentioned by Hu Feng
refers to the prohibition imposed on counterrevolutionaries against publish-
‘Ng their counterrevolutionary views. Indeed, this is true. Our system does
deprive all counterrevolutionaries of freedom of speech, and it allows such
freedom only among the people. Among the people we allow divergence of
Public opinion. This is the freedom of criticism, the freedom to publish all
kinds of views, and the freedom to propagate either theism or atheism fi.c.,
Mutterialism). In any society, at any time, there are always two kinds of people
1d two kinds of opinions, the advanced and the backward, that exist in
Mutual conflict and are strugeling with each other. Advanced opinion always
“Onquers backward opinion; it is impossible to “regiment public opinion’; nor
Should its regimentation be attempted. Only by bringing progressive things
‘te full play to subdue backward things can society move forward, However,
at a time when internationally and domestically there ts still the exiyjen,
classes and class struggle, the working class and the masses Of the pee.
having obtained state power, must suppress all resistance (0 revolution oy
by counterrevohutionary classes, cliques, and individuals, prohibit their ans 2
ties for restoration, and forbid all counterrevolutionary ¢lemenn «
utilizing the freedom of speech to reach their counterrevolutionary gow
has made counterrevolutionary elements such as Hu Feng f
“regimentation of public opinion” is inconvenient to them. That they
inconvenienced is exactly our purpose, It is exactly what is convenient tg
Our public opinion is regimented, but it is also unregimented. Among th *
ple we allow both the progressive people and the backward people to |
utilize our newspapers, periodicals, lecture platforms, und so forth to <
pete, in the hope that the progressive people may educate the backward pe
with the methods of democracy and persuasion and conquer backwa
ogy and institutions, When a certain contradiction is resolved, 1
dictions will arise. We then use the same methods to compete: Thy
will advance continuously. When contradictions exist, there ts no t
When a contradiction is resolved there is temporary uniforningcat he
ever, new contradictions will arise, and there is again ane,
needs to be overcome. The contradiction between the people and the cou
revolutionaries is (exemplified in) the dictatorship of the people
leadership of the working class and the Communist Party over the cou
volutionanes. In this cuse what is used is not the democratic method;
the method is authoritarian, or dictatorial. It permits (the counterrevoluttt
ies) only to behave themselves according to rules, but not to be une
words and deeds. In this regard, not only is public opinion regimentogs
law, too, is regimented. On this question, counterrevolutionaries 5
Feng seem to have a lot of persuasive arguments: some tn ref
after listening to these counterrevolutionary arguments, also see 0 ¢
themselves short of reason. Look, isn't “regimentation of public op
“no public opinion,” or “ suppression of liberty” unpleasant to the ear 27
cannot distinguish between the two realms: that among the people an
external to the realm of the people. Internally, it is criminal apt
press liberty, to suppress people's criticism of the mistakes and s
of the Party and the government, and to suppress freedom of discussion If
academic world. This is our system. In capitalist countries, however
are legal uctivities. Externally, it is criminal behavior [here] to Jet ¢
volutionaries indulge in unruly words and deeds, whereas it is te al
exercise dictatorship [over them). This is our system. In capitalist co
is just the opposite. There, they have the dictatorship of the bourgeol
revolutionary people are not allowed to say and do what they wart @
made to observe rigid rules of behavior. Exploiters and counterrevolut na
are always in the minority at any time and any place; the exploited and the ®
olutionaries are always in the majority. Therefore, the latter's dictator?
fully justified and the former's dictatorship always lacks justifi
peng also said, “The great majority of reuders take part in some kind of organational [way) of life there, the atmosphere is oppressive,” Among the peoje, We are opposed to the method of commandism;* we uphold the demogratic method of persuasion. The atmosphere there ought to be free. [To say
thal it is} “oppressive” is incorrect. That “ihe great majarity of the readers take
part in Some Sort of organizational [way of] life” is an immensely good thing,
yoprecedented in the past several thousand years. Only after long and difficult
yrugele under the leadership of the Communist Party have the people won the
possibility of changing themselves from the state of being a [pan of] loose
sand,’ which lends itself to the exploitation and oppression of the reactionarjes, 10 8 State OF unity; moreover thts kind of great unity among the people has
been realized several years after the victory of the revolution, What Hu Feng
means by “coercing the people” is simply oppression against counterrevolutionuries. They are indeed scared out of their wits and feel like “a daughter-injaw, always afraid she will be beaten” or feel that “every little cough will be
recorded.” We regard this as a Very good thing also. This good thing is also
unprecedented over several thousand years, It is only after the protracted and
difficult struggle of the people under the leadership of the Communist Party
that these rotten eggs have been made to feel uncomfortable. In a word, the
day of rejoicing for the great masses of the people is the day of grief for the
counterrevolutionary elements. On every National Day we celebrate, above
ull, this very thing. Hu Feng also said, “the problen: of literature can be handled most effortlessly with the theory of mechanism.” What he called “the
theory of mechanism” ts [his way of twisting] the meaning of dialectical materalism inte its opposite; that “it can be handled most effortlessly” is his nonsense, In this world only idealism and metaphysics are the most effortless
because they allow people to talk nonsense, without the need fo base themselves on objective reality, and without being subject to examination accord-
Int tO objective reality. On the other hand, materialism and dialectics demand
sfiort. They have to be based on objective reality, and they are subject to
‘amination based on objective reality. If one makes no effort, one will slide
into idealism and metaphysics, In this letter, Hu Feng raised three questions
Of principle which we deem necessary to refute in detail." In that letter, he
‘so said, “At present, there is everywhere sentiment for rebellion, and there
ik everywhere the demand to go one step forward.” He said this in 1950. At
{hat time. on the mainland we had just wiped out Chiang Kai-shek’s main mil=
lary forces. We had yet to eliminate many counterrevolutionary armed forces
that had turned into bandits. Large-scale land reform and the movement to
“ippress the counterrevolutionaries had not yet begun.” The cultural and
“ducational sectors had not yet begun their rectification work, What Hu Feng
“Gd indeed reflected the contemporary situation, But his statement was
"Complete. A complete picture would be as follows: “At present there are
“vunterrevolutionary sentiments everywhere, sentiments that resist the reyolu-
"and everywhere there are counterrevolutionaries making further
“emands on the revolution through their sabotage of the revolution."


Factions, which were called “eliques'"”’ by our forebears, are called
or stalls'* by people today. We hear of them a great deal, Those who ny
in this kind of activity, in order to attain their political goals, often ch
others are sectarian and that sectarians are the bad guys while they th
wre the good guys: the good guys have no factions, The bunch of people |
Hu Feng allegedly were “youth writers” and “revolutionary writers,”
and “persecuted” by a Communist faction that was upholding oi
theories” and “building an independent kingdom”; : they therefore y w
revenge. [They regarded} the Wenwi bao affair’ as “no more than a
the armor to be seized and taken advantage of,” and [that] this “problem «
not an isolated one", [they believed] it was necessary to proceed from hie
“broaden [their] focus to include the whole situation,” and “to show thy
problem [was] one of sectarian domination"; moreover “[it was a pro 1)
sectarian and warlord rule,” The problem was so serious [to the
order to get to the root of the matter they “exposed” quite a few thin
way Hu Feng and his bunch attracted people's attention. Many reo
careful investigation and found out that they were a group of ©
size, In the past it was said they were a “small group. ” This was incor
they had quite a few people. In the past it was said they were purely cu
people, This was incorrect; their people have wormed their way alae :
political, military, economic, cultural, and educational sector, In the pat
was said that they looked like a revolutionary party in open rebellic
was incorrect; most of their people had serious problems. Their-b
were made up of secret agents for the imperialists and the Kuomin
yists, reactionary military officers, and Communist Party
(hese people as the backbone, « counterrevolutionary splinter #roup, f
within the camp of the revolutionaries, an underground independe!
dom," has been formed. This counterrevolutionary splinter group #!
ground kingdom takes the overthrow of the People's Republic of Ch Ch
the restoration of imperialist and Kuomintang cule as its mission.
everywhere and at all times probing for our weaknesses so that they m y!
4 pretext for carrying out their destructive activities. Wherever ey
some strange problems are sure to arise. This counterrevolutionary cli
expanded since Liberation, and if we don't put a stop to it, it will exp
further. Now that we have gotten to the bottam of Hu Feng and
have found a rational explanation for many phenomena, and their sl ra

can be stopped.”
see

From the above materials we can see that: (1) Since Liberation the en
munist, untipeople, conspiratorial activities of the Hu Feng mr
become better organized and have further expanded, Their attacks OF
Communist Party and on the battlefront of literature and art under the P
leadership have been increasingly frenzied. (2) Like all counterrevolAtiG nar
cliques, they always adopt covert or double-dealing tactics to carry out th

htt
jestructive activities. (3) Because their plot has been exposed, the Hu Feng
clique cannot avoid being forced w turn from attack to retreat; burt this reacjwnary clique whose hatred for the Communist Party, hatred for the people.
and hatred for the revolution has reached insane proportions is by no means
really putting down its weapons. Rather, they are planning to continue to use
jouble-dealing tactics to preserve their “strength” and awit opportunities to
qvake @ comeback. Hu Feng’s use of such expressions as “find a second life in
potient suffering,” “all is for the cause, for an even bnghter future,” to encour
yge the members of his clique is clear proof [of this), The
counterrevolutionary Hu Feng elements are the same as other open or hidden
counterrevolutionaries, They place their hopes in a restoration of Counterrevojutionary political power and in the collapse of the people's revolutionary
political power, They believe this is the opportunity they are wailing for,

We must learns thorough lesson from this experience with the conspiratorial
activities of the Hu Feng clique. We must maintain a high level of vigilance in
every sector of our work. We must be adept at recognizing elements who
feign support for the revolution but are actually opposed to the revolution and
purge theny on all fronts so as fo preserve the great victories we have already
won and those still to come."

Editor's Comments to The Third Collection of Materials on the Hu Feng
Counterrevolutionary Cligue
(une 10, 1955)

The publication of the first and second collections of materials on the Hu
Feng counterrevolutionary clique stirred up the extreme anger of the broad
musses of the people all over the country toward the counterrevolutionary clements, The people demand to investigate the political background of the Hu
Feng clique. They ask: Who is really behind Hu Feag? With regard to this
question, the People’s Government has already obtained 4 great deal of matenal. We are now publishing part of itin this “Third Collection of Materials.”
Hu Feng and the many backbone elements jn the Hu Feng clique have, since
long ago, been loyal running dogs of imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek's Kuo
mintang.'” They have intimate connections with the imperialist and the Kuo-
Mintang secret services, For a long period they disguised themselves as revo~
lutionaries and concealed themselves among the progressive people to carry
Out counterrevolutionary schemes.

In the following materials, the people can see the true face of A Long, who
Was touted by Hu Feng as “a revolutionary writer in pursuit of [the interests
of} the revolution for a dozen or more years,” and of Hu Feng himself, who
also claimed to have pursued the revolution for some twenty yeurs. A Long,
IN 4 letter 10 Hu Feng, said he was “full of optimism" about the nationwide
[campaign of} counterrevolutionary civil war launched by Chiang Kai-shek in
July 1946. He thought that the "main force” of the Chinese People's Libera-
“on Army “could be defeated in three manths,” und “would be wiped out in


570 | MAQ ZEDONG

one year.” Moreover, he shamelessly exaggerated the importance op
bandit Chiang’s “instructions,” and talked about “[Chiang’s] selfconge Je
which is inspiring to everyone.” A Long regarded the revolutionary o
of the people as “pus” that “has to be squeezed out” and felt that the ge ve.
the people's revolutionary forces had to be determined and thorough: 4.
once begun will not be put off until done!”

Why were they so determined? The truth is that Hu Feng, A Lone, an
ers were people with a particular history behind them. A Long, y
Chen Yimen, also known as Chen Shoumei, is from Zhejiang.” Opging
he was a Kuomintang military officer. At the start of the War of B se 3 : .
against Japan he “wormed his way" into the Yanan Antidapanese }
and Political University, where he studied for a few months.”" He dian
to the Sront, instead he went to Hu Zongnan’s “Wartime Cadres Fg
Corps” to serve as a military instructor with the rank of major ©
letters published here was written by hirn in July 1946 from the
in Shandong in Chongqing™ to which he had already been ¢ }
Hu Zongnan’s |staff) for training.” After graduation, he aren vst
tor in military tactics. Shandong was the site of Chiang Kai-shek's i o
lege and was also Chiang Kai-shek’s personal home during the Gh
period.

Hu Feng, who is in fact Zhang Guangren, also known as Gu reiaa f
Hubei. During the period of the First Revolutionary Civil War he joined
Communist Youth League. In 1925 he was in Beijing; the be 0
Duan Qirui rule” at that time scared him out of his wits, and hed
sought the Party's permission to withdraw from the League.
anti-Communist political work with the Jiangsi Army “to extermin
Communists.” Afterward, he went to Japan where he muddled 2: i
lime and engaged in some shady “deals.” After he returned to Ching, he fou
his way into the lefi-wing cultural group in Shanghai and from thé
ried on all kinds of splitist and destructive activities. During the F
Chongqing periods he had contact with many bigshots in the Kuo
secret service, From one of Hu Feng’s letters to A Long publ
can sce Hu Feng’s relationship with one of the head men in the “4
secret service, Chen Zuo.” This brief history of Hu Feng has been h
light only recently. Because he covered things up so skillfully, everyon ne
deceived by him. t

Before Liberation in the country as a whole was achieved, the Hu PR
clique fervently placed its hopes on a victory for Chiang ance in the
people civil war, and a defeat for the people's revolutionary foree:
Chiang Kai-shek was defeated and the whole country liberated
cover on the mainiand and used even more insidious double-dealing i
continue to carry on counterreyolutionary activities.

They expressed their deeply ingrtined hatred for the new postsociety and for the people's revolutionary political power. They say
despise this social order,” They cursed the people's revolutionary po?

http://d


APRIL - JUNE 1955 / 57)

wer, [predicting its] "doom" and “ils perdition.”

After this newspaper published the first and second collections of materials
exposing [the Hu Feng clique), there were still a number of people who said
(hat the Hu Feng clique was nothing but a small clique made up of a handful
of power-hungry elements in literary circles, and that they don't necessarily
have any reactionary political background, Those who say this sort of thing
may do so either because their class instincts put them in wholehearted sympathy with them, or perhaps because their political senses are not very sharp and
they look at things (oo innocently. There is also a group who are secret reactionaries or Who are actually inside the Hu Feng clique, Lu Ying in Beijing,
for example.

Now the time has come when the face of Hu Feng’s black gang of counterrevoluttionaries is to be thoroughly exposed. The Chinese people will no longer
permit them to continue to play their deceitful tricks! The entire people must
heivhten their vigilance! All secret counterrevolutionary clements must be
exposed. They must receive the punishment thal they deserve for their counlerrevolutionary crimes!”

Editor's Notes

From letters of this sort it can be seen that the Hu Feng clique is not simply a
“{iterature and art” clique, but is a counterrevolutionary political clique using
the signpost of “literature and art.” They hate all the people's revolutionary
forces. Zhang Zhongxiao of the Hu Feng clique suid he “hated almost everyone.” Many people think “Hu Feng is no more than a literary figure, and the
Hu Feng affair is no more than an affair of the cultural circle, with no connec-
Hon to! other circles.”” After reading this sort of material they should be awakened!

see

From the above two letters the true face of Lu Yuan, a backbone member of
the Hu Feng clique, can be seen, The backbone of the Hu Feng clique was
composed of just this sort of person. In May 1944, Lu Yuan “was transferred”
“to work” “in the Sino-American Cooperation Organization.” The
“Sino-American Cooperation Organization” is the abbreviated name for
“Sino-American Special Technical Services Cooperation Organization.” This
was a black and sinister secret service organization jointly run by the American imperialists and Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang in which the Americans
(nsined and dispatched secret service agents as well as engaged directly in ter-
Torist activities both for the Americans themselves and for Chiang Kai-shek. It
Was notorious for its brutal torture and murder of Communist Party members
and progressive clements. Who could have had Lu Yuan “transferred to” this
Secret service organization? And who could be “transferred” by the secret ser-
Vice to do its “work”? The answer goes without saying. In the second letter,
Written in September 1947, Lu Yuan was still cursing the Chinese Communist
Party and the people's revolutionary forces as “the damnable evil Communist
bandits.” And yet, in the beginning of 1948 he was recommended to be a
Member of the Communist Party by Zeng Zuo, another backbone member of
the Hu Feng elements, and he sneaked into an underground Party 9
tion. Later Lu Yuan suddenly took off in secret. At the time of tho ties
of Wuhan he unexpectedly returned to Wuhan and, together with, rh
claimed to “represent the Communist Party" and took us over™ Tq. 50
once again wormed his way into the Party (see number 28 of this cofley
ruuterial). This, then, was the way the Hu Feng elements “pursued the re
tion” and wormed their way into the Comrounist Party,”

From these letters of A Long's we can see that the Hu Feng elements y
Stood quite well some of the tactics of underground couniereye
work. He said: “Don't fire before our battle position is secured.” Furtherr
[he said) “The important thing is to Prepare |favorable] conditions, they pele
# few more preparations and, again, still more preparations!” “[We] p
work intensely, and make sure that the work among the masses is done

“establish a firm mass base,” and then “find a big target,” which is totake
ut a vital area of the revolution and launch an attack. [He said] when th
about to attack, they must first have “consulted” a good deal.
“friends,” and “must first have organized and thought through ae
even more meticulously; itis best to ignore trivial matters.” The © c
lutionary elements are not so slow-witted: those tactics of theirs pee ery _
ning and ruthless. All members of the revolutionary parties must abs atu
not take them lightly, must not be insensitive and careless, We must reall
elevate the people's political vigilance; o nly then can we deal with ft
counterrevolutionaries) and get rid of them.

ef

Lu Dian's” strategy of mounting an offensive for purposes of defen Ww
sure enough, practiced by Hu Feng later. This was |the strategy demonsit
by) Hu Feng's going to Beijing 10 request a work assignment, his request (UF
discussion of his case, his 300,000-word written presentation ieeti th eral
and art), and finally his catching on to the issue of Wenyi bao and setting
a barrage.“ Representatives of the various exploiting classes, wheat
themselves in unfavorable circumstances, often adopt the
mounting an offensive for purposes of defense to protect themselves fo
time being and to abet their future expansion. They may make some hin ye
of nothing, spreading rumors right in front of your face; they may latch ¢
some superficial phenomens to attack the substance of the issue; ye
laud one group to attack another; they may make use of some preient a sae
through « chink in our armor” and place us in a difficult position. Ina
they are always studying strategies for dealing with us; they are “on the!
out” for a chance to further their ambitions. Sometimes they will “lie 1 ow
play dead” while waiting for an opportunity to “counterattack.” ‘Te
long experience in class struggle. They will use all different forms of st
~ legal struggle us well as illegal struggle. We members of the revolut
party must understand these tricks of theirs. We must study their 6

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APRIL — JUNE 1955 ; 573

order to defeat them, We must not be so completely bookish and oversimplify
what is in fact a complex class struggle.”
“es
Because the members of our revolutionary Party have been arrogant, selfqtistied, insensitive, and careless, or have been preoccupied with daily rouyne business and have forgotten about politics, many counterrevolutionary
clements have “penetrated deeply” into our “vital organs.” This certainly is
pot limited to the Hu Feng elements; many other secret agents or bad elements
have also crept in,
see
The members of the Hu Feng clique and many other hidden counterrevolutionary elements have in general adopted the double-dealing tactics discussed
by Fung Ran in this letter, especially the second and third of the tactics. These
can trick @ great many people, But there is always some slip-up that people
can Spot; the exposure of the Hu Feng clique is proof of this. Especially after
the level of consciousness and vigilance of the majority of people was raised,
their double-dealing tactics were much more easily exposed.
7,7
From these [letters] we can also see the importance and the necessity of our
siruggle to criticize the Hu Shih” brand of bourgeois idealism. There are
some people who profess their belief in Marxism-Leninism but who do not
take seriously the struggle to criticize idealism. They say that they themselves
are not idealists or that they have nothing to do with Hu Shi, and thus the best
way for them is to avoid the subject. But the Hu Feng clique in fact pays much
attention [to struggle}, and they searched fora way of dealing with it. [They
concluded:| “There are contradictions and difficulties” Criticism of idealism
hus indeed presented the Hu Feng clique with “contradictions and difficulties”
~ this shows that our criticism was correct. Is it possible that among the revo-
Jutionary ranks of the people there are also “contradictions and
Jifficulties*?”
ss
That a large group of Hu Feng elements were able to force their way into the
Chinese Communist Party and obtain Party membership is a matter that
Should draw the attention of all Party organizations, Lu Yuan had once
Wormed his way into our underground Party organizations before Liberation,
but later, because he took off secretly, he lost his Party membership. In 1950
this counterrevolutionary character presented to our Party organizations “three
reports with the utmost sincerity, cach one more thorough and sincere than the
Previous one”: except for his thinking on literature and ant, he was
[considered] “on the whole qualified in other respects,” and indeed, later he
Was again accepted as a “Party member,” Shouldn't this mutter draw the atten-
Hon of Party organizations? It was after these counterrevolutionary elements
had put their heart and soul into deceiving us that they were able to crawl thetr
Way into the Party, They treated this as a “round of struggle,” and they beat


574 | MAO ZEDONG

us; they came into [the Party]!
ee

Whenever a Communist Party member's liberal tendencies Were
to criticism, it was regarded as a “setback” by the Hu Feng elements, {fa
person “lacked fighting spirit,” or, in other words, if he did nor persis §
liberal standpoint and was willing to accept the Party's criticism and «
over to the correct standpoint, to the Hu Feng clique he was a hopeless’
because he could not be pulled over to their side. (But) if this per

“relatively good,” rather than “a Jack” of, “fighting spirit” in insist
liberal position, then such a person would be susceptible to being p
The Hu Feng elements will certainly “give it a try.” and the
addressed such a person as “comrade.” Shouldn't this kind of si
instructive to us? What attitude should Communist Party memb
they receive critictsm for ideological or political errors they haves
There are two paths from which to choose : one is to correct the mi:
become a good Party member; vilislobarce, "Tha lee page
fall into the pit of the counterrevolutionaries. The latter path really ex
it is possible that the counterrevolutionaries are there beckoning.”

ee:

These kinds of letters ought to arouse our vigilance. We cannot tet

“slip by.”
**e ;

From letters of this sort it can be seen that the counterrevolutionaries fild
among the ranks of the revolutionaries are very afraid of rectificutiot
evident that rectification is beneficial. "Those who fear rectification a
counterrevolutionaries. An overwhelming majority (over ninety pe!
people who haye committed certain ideological or political errors, and
icy is to help them correct their mistakes. But toward the counten itt
ies, who are very afraid of rectification, our policy is to go a bit furthe
dig out their counterrevolutionary roots. The face of the Hu Feng ca
lutionary clique was exposed step by step during bays ec fica
[campaigns] before and after Liberation, that is, in several id uc
gles in the past. It is these several rectification 1 carepataarih hat
splits within the Hu Feng clique, and only then was the Hu Feng cliqu
to udopt the strategy of taking the offense for purposes of defense
the 300,000-word written presentation {on literature and art}, and of
was there the last big disclosure.”

7.

From letters of this sort, it can be seen that |when counterreve
cliques are] confronted with the powerful people's revolutionary fe
is, the people's democratic dictatorship, if this dictatorship raises
sciousness of the masses and adopts correct policies, then no matt
many secret counterrevolutionary cliques there are, no matter how ste
discipline within each counterrevolutionary clique, and no mutter hov

rr


APRIL — JUNE 1955 | 575

thelr military alliance with cach other, it is always possible to split off a numper of people [from the cliques]. This splitting off is beneficial to the people,
shu Wu's splitting off from the Hu Feng clique, which caused the Hu Feng
clique great anxiety, is an example. Recently, in every locality, many Hu
feng elements have made confessions, Either voluntarily or under pressure,
they are tuming over secret documents and exposing the situation within |the
group. | This is a continuing development in this struggle,”

**e

From letters of this sort jt can be seen that there are people in our [Party and

government] organs, muilitary units, enterprises, and other organizations who
steal state secrets. These people are counterrevolutionary elements who have
infiltrated these organs, military units, enterprises, or organizations. Some
liberal elements are the good friends of these counterrevolutionaries.
shouldn't this situation draw the serious attention of all work personnel and
all the people?


From this letter it can be seen that the Hu Feng clique firmly opposed the
direction for literamire and art set by the Chinese Communist Party and had
extreme loathing for Comrade Mao Zedong's Talks at the Yanan Forum on
Literature and Art” Because the Party and Comrade Mao Zedong called on
workers in literature and art to praise the workers, peasants, and soldiers and
to expose the enemies of the workers, peasanis, and soldiers, and [because]
ihe Hu Feng clique was precisely the mortal enemy of the workers, peasants,
and soldiers, they sensed that to expose the enemies of the workers, peasants,
and soldiers would mean that they would not be able to continue to lead their
deceptive way of life. They felt [this policy] would “slaughter” what this
counterrevolutionary band referred to as their “human lives” and would
“stifle” what they called “innovations.” They didn’t dare, however, to oppose
these speeches publicly. In fact Hu Feng instructed his accomplices to “go
along with them” on the surface and occasionally even to quote a few lines
from them. These were all masks with which the Hu Feng elements disguised
themselves. In this secret letter, however, the Hu Feng elements’ loathing for
these speeches and their true anti-Party complexion are completely exposed.
Zhang Zhongxiao said: “This book (referring to Mao's Talks ar the Yanan
Ferwn on Literature and Art) may have been of some use during the Yanan
Period, but now f think it’s no longer relevant.” Are there not a few others in
literary and artistic circles who have also said, “now it is no longer relevant”?
People who have said this kind of thing, please read Zhang Zhongxiao’s letter
“arefully! Of course, some of those who say this sort of thing are merely still
holding a bourgeois viewpoint on literature and art and therefore are unable to
Tecognize the importance of this speech. Zhang Zhongxiao, on the other hand,
thts member of the Hu Feng clique, understands profoundly on the basis of his
©OUnterrevolutionary sensitivity that after the Liberation of the entire country
the Talks would influence the masses on an even larger scale and would be

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576 | MAO ZEDONG

useful in destroying all sorts of reactionary thought in literature Nd),
Therefore, they urgently wanted to obstruct and sabotage the gy Ae
influence of these fe Speeches. This is the reason for their saying “NOW if
longer relevant."
re
From letters of this sort 1 can be seen that the attack on a small numb
people by the counterrevolutionary elements was no more than a preme
strategy of theirs. Their actual feeling was that there was “hardly a i
clean piece of ground.” Owing to this situation they “prescribed a biter.
protracted struggle.” Ever since Liu Bi, Prince Wu in the Han d Re
covered the famous strategy of requesting the execution of Chao € Nav
principal adviser of Emperor Jingdi of the Han dynasty) to “purify
the emperor's closest counsellors,” many ambitious carcerists tunes ey
up as an extremely Valuable (strategem].” The Hu Feng clique has also fy
hetr to this bag of tricks. In the 300,000-word presentation, they al
several people, Commdes Lin Mohan, He Qifang, and Zhou Yar
said these people were messing everything up. Some people. w
basic class instincts sympathize with Hu Feng, also accordingly a
cause by making @ lot of nonsensical noises, saying “this is no me
interpersonal struggle between Zhou Yang and Hu Feng for leaders!
is something to which we should pay attention in the struggle nip purge: the
Feng elements and other counterrevolutionary elements.
7s
In the 300,000-word presentation and in other public pronounceme
the Hu Feng clique appears to be primarily opposed only to Comm nISEE
Writers and not to others. Of course they crvehh dt on Kat
and other persons in the Kuomintang (except that on occasion, t
scolded them lightly in a few sentences so as to put up a front, but th
what is meant by “small scoldings, but big help”). [t is not true, howe
they did not oppose others. We have proof of this from the numen
letters of the Hu Feng group. In fact, they despised, cused, and
without exception such revolutionaries and democratic personages
Wen Yiduo, Guo Morvo, Mao Dun, Ba Jin, Huang Yaomian, cao Yu,
Lao She,” Js not this kind of work-style of rejecting anyone outside Of
own clique the work-style of Chiang Kai-shek's fascist Kuomintang’
*-*7
Just as we regularly estimate the trends of the balance of forces in the mm
national and domestic class struggles, the enemy ulso regularly make
mates of these trends. But our enemies are backward, decadent reaction
and they are destined to be destroyed. They do not understand the law:
objective world. They think about things with subjective and metip
methods, and thus their estimates are always incorrect. Their b
instincts lead them to think all the ime of themselves as really extmoree
and the forces of revolution as invariably no good. They always overest™

ht dztss
yneir Own strength and underestimate our strength, We have seen with our
own eyes many counterrevolutionaries such as the Qing government, the Beiyang warlords, the Japanese militarists, Mussolini, Hitler, and Chiang Kaiwick” falling (from power} one after another. They made and could not have
,voided making mistakes im thought and action. At present, all the
jmpenalists are also bound to commit this kind of mistake. [sn't this ridicujous? According to the Hu Feng elements, the Chinese people's revolutionary
forces led by the Communist Party are “taking their last gasp,” and these
forees are no more than “withered leaves” or “rotting corpses.” And what
bout the Counterrevolutignary forces represented by the Hu Feng elements?
Although “some of the fragile buds will be crushed,” [they think] most of
these buds are “bursting open” and “will grow up strong and healthy.” If in
ihe bourgeois national assembly of France there are even today
representatives of the monarchist party, then it is quite possible that years
after the exploiting classes all over the earth have been thoroughly eliminated
there Will still be representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek dynasty active everywhere, The most stubborn elements among those people will never acknowledge their defeat. This is because they not only need to deceive others, but
also to deceive themselves; otherwise they could not go on living.” Why are
the Ho Feng elements so ridiculously and insanely arrogant? It is because they
in fact mareh to the tune of their own class instincts,

7?

This Hu Feng element™ is somewhat more pessimistic. He says “perhaps”
“it will ake a few decades” to “bring about a situation where there are no con-
(dictions among people.” That 15 fo say, it will tuke decades for Chiang Katshek's dynasty to have hope of a restoration, After several decades, when the
Chiang Kai-shek dynasty returns, when all the people’s revolutionary forces
are crushed — that is what [he] meant by “no contradictions among people” —
{he said] “then, a person's dignity and integrity will not be impaired.” This
“person” here refers to all counterrevolutionaries, including the Hu Feng elements, bul it doesn't include a single revolutionary, “In today’s China, people
stil) don't respect other people. ...” The former “people” refers to the revolu-
Nonaries, and the latter “people” refers to the counterrevolutionaries. The Hu
Feng elements do not express themselves clearly in their writing, not even in
Steret letters. This, too, is determined by their basic class nature. They are
Wnable to put forward their ideas clearly the way we do when we make annota-
Hons for them.”

The statement in this letter that “the latent forces of feudalism are now
sanely killing people” is a manifestation of the feeling of horror the Hu Feng
“Ounterrevolutionary clique has for the great struggle in which the people's
volutionary forces in our country ure suppressing the counterrevolutionary
‘inces, This kind of feeling is representative of all counterrevolutionary
Classes, cliques, and individuals. What they feel frightened about is precisely


578 § MAO ZEDONG

what the masses feel happy about, They were right when they said, “py
without precedent in history.” Previous revolutions, except for that j it Ww
the slave system replaced the system of primitive communism — Which wa
case of a system of exploitation replacing a nonexploitative system — ai),
resulted in one kind of system of exploitation replacing another. had
ther the need to nor the possibility of carrying out the thorough suppresei,
counterrevolutionarics. Only ours, only the revolution of the broad [mages
the] people under the leadership of the proletariat and the Communist P
a revolution for which the final eradication of all exploitative systems |
classes have been set as the goal. No matter what, the ake
which are being destroyed will offer resistance through their counterre:
tionary political parties, cliques, or individuals, and the broad [m:
people will have to unite together to suppress these totally. Only at at his. tip
do we have this need and this possibility. [When they said] “the strup
be deepened” they were also entirely correct. Only the phrase “th
forces of feudalism” is wrong. This is just their |negative) way of saying’
people's democratic dictatorship, which is based on the alliance of the wo
ers and peasants and is under the leadership of the opriska Com
nist Party”; just as “mechanistic theory” is their ironic phrase for “¢
materialism.”

This Zhang Zhongxivo again, His counterrevolutionary sensitivities
quite keen. His level of class awareness is much higher and his political
senses are far more acute than (those of] a great many people in our revel
tionary ranks, including some Communist Party members. By comp
this regard, many of our people don't come close to the people in the
clique. Our people must study, raise their class consciousness and vigi
and sharpen their political senses. If there is anything positive the Hu Ber
clique can give us. it is that this soul-wrenching struggle can greaily raise O
political consciousness and political sensitivity and enable us to firml:
press all counterrevolutionary elements, This will greatly consolitta '
olutionary dictatorship so that we may carry the revolution through to “mi
and reach the goal of constructing a great socialist country.”

Notes

|. Ho Fong's “self eriticiem” was published on May 13, 1955, in RMRB, an
2. Shu Wu was a writer whose works were published in the journal Xiang (Hope), edited)
Mu Feng, in 1945, His “article” here refers 10 the article “Guanyu Hu Ferg fandang jiguan Je 9"
cailiac” (Some Materials on the Hu Feng Counterreyolitionary Clique), published to RMI
May 13, 1955, and represented the first collection of incriminating evidence dpsinel Hill OF
This article is collected in Mu Feng cuillav, pp. 7-22 .
3, The first half of the saying here, ni sfus ju cia, caneot be breed an may be of MSM .
coinage. "The secend tall, yw lone fancies derived From the poem ”Zal yan shi'! (Pods OS
Drinking Baziquet) by Li Long), Emperor Newnzheng of the Tang dynasty (reigning 712-798

h

J: /d 50 2
cles originally to the mingling of people of different statuses and identities.

4. The RMRB Version here has “literary” instead uf “cotinterrevolutionary,”

«<. This refers 10 a eriticism made by Guo Moruo in 1947 in his article in Wenyi bao "Xiang qi
jja0 20 yingtao shu de gushi*’ (Rentinded of the Story of Chopping Down the Cherry Tree), 1f
aivech Guo described the indiscrtmigale attacks male by the critics associated with Hu Feng on
ihe works of “progressive writers” such as Ba Jin as conyparable tw the story of George Washingyon’ s chopping down the cherry tree. On April 3, 1947, Lu Ling discussed the Gue article in a letjer Ho Feng. (Excerpt in section 50 of the third batch of Hu Feng materials here.)

6 Lu Ling, a playwright whose dramatic writing. especially “Yun Que” (The Lark) which was
penduced in Nanjing in 1947, was highly prvised by Hu Feng,

7, This metaphor derives from the S9th Awe al the classical novel Xivow ji Journey to the
West), in which Suan Wukong, the Monkey King, who a chief character in the novel, transforms himself into a buy and creeps into the belly of his adversary, the Princess with the Iron Fan

&. See text June 6, 1950(1), note 11

Q This description of the tendency for the Chinese people to be in disunity ts attribaited! to Sun
Yat-sen,

(0, Moo is tere referring to the lester written by Ho Feng to Zhang Zhongxian on August 13,
j050, excerpted and presentest ax section 43 in this second collection of materials (p. 67 in the
bowk!.

1). See teat Feb. 18, 1951, note 2, and texts in Dec. 1950 and Jan. 1951,

12 (Book, pp. 67-68; Xuanjl, V, pp. 157-159; not in RMRB|) This section ts Mao"s commenwry vn Hu Feng's letter to Zhang Zhongxiao On August 13, 1950 (see previous note). English
trunstations of this section are ayailuble in SW. V, pp. (72-175, ant J. Chen (1970), pp. 51-34.

13, The Chinese here is pengdiing, which refers to political coalitions that Were formed. in tra-
Jitowal China, among officials who shared a common background or political viewpoint: The
term derives from Zhanguo ce (The Book of the Warring States), in the section on the state of
Zhao

14. The term “stalls,” originally fanzi in Chinese, is used in the CPC 10 indicate the appearance
of factions in public. ‘The term originates (rom the practice of hawkers displaying their merchanue un the ground along niich-traveled pedestrian thoroughfares and t used, in this way, usually
wilh a derogatory connotation.

1S. The Wel due affair refers jo the uproar that was caused by the role played by the editorial
tenrd of that paper, particularly Feng Xuefeng, in defending Ya Pingho in the carfier controversy
over the interpretation of the jive) Honglowneng, and the critique of both the novel and that
Paper that ensued among literary circles after October 1954, This sffair was the fuse for the eruption of the campaign agains! Hu Feng. See notes for text Oct. 16, 1954

10. See text Mar. 31. 1985, note 15-

17. (Book, pp, 82-83; Nucnjl, V, pp 142-163: not in RMAH.) This section is Mao's comment
on Hu Feng’s letters to Zhang Zhongsiac on October 27, 1954, November 2, 1954, November
! 1954, to Fang Ran and Qi Fung on November 7, 1954, and to Fang Ran on November 14,


18 (Book, p. 87; RMRE (May 24 1955}, excerpt in Jiaoyw yulte, p. 9) not in Xinanji.) This te
Mao's commentary on letters written by Hu Feng to Zhang Zhongxiao and Fang Ran in February
1955 The sentences “find a eecond life in patient suffering,” ete, wre contained in Hu’s fetter 10
Phang on February 8. 1955.

19%. ‘The RMR# Uune 10, (955), 2-3, version dees not Include “imperialism” here,

M Acconting fo Li Liming (1977), p: 347, Chen was actually a native of Shaansi Province.
He was bom in 1915, Cher was o member of the League of Left-wing Writers, He was referred tts
* Mei sinny (Brother Mel)" in Ho Feng’s correspondence,

2). This refers to the central training [astitute for CPC cadres and military officers i the Red
Army, established ai Yanan from 1936 to 1945, Originally known ay the Resist Japan Red Army
University (Kanjgri hongjun daxve), it changed its name to the Chinese People's Anti-Japanese
Military and Political University (Zhongguo renmin kangri jumzheng daxwe) in fuly 1997.
Throughout was also knewwn as “Kangida.” In July (959 its beadquancrs was moved out of


380 { MAO ZEDONG

.Yanan to North China, and branches were set op in southeast Shanxi, in the Shanti-Chsp._ >
Burder Region, aril in Shurwtony Province, See text June 6. 19502). note 3,
22, The reference here is to the Wurtime Political Cadres ‘framing Corps of the KMT wc.
Hu Zongnan was responsible, See text Feb. 27, 1950, pote |, %
23. This is an abbreviation for the Army Staff College, which was an institute for the
army officers and military cudees of the KMT. It was originally located at Taoyuan in gees
Hunan, and when the KMT government abandoned Hankou for Chongqing in late 1948 4
transferred first to Zuinyi in Guizhou then subsequently (in name more than in physical arrune
to Chongqing itielf Which served as Chiany Kai-shek and the KMT government’s hegdan
for the remainder of the war yeurs. Shandong (referring, in this case, not to the proves. |
meaning “the cave”) is the name of a location in the vicinity of Chongqing. a
24. According to Li Liming (1977), p. 347, A Long (Chen Yimen) did not go from the |
time Political Castres Training Corps to the Amy College, but rather joined the instruct ans
the Corps after graduating fom the Army College in 1939. Also, he stidied ap he ¥
“Kangda” in 1936, '
25, Duan Qirai (1863. 1936), A leader of the Anfu clique of the Beiyang warkonts whe ho
nated Chinese politics for (wo decades after the Revuslution and the establishment uf the Rem
(0 911, Duan began as @ close and faithful follower of Yuan Shikai and’ was appel od pel
ininister of the Beiyang government by Yuan before his death, During the inetfeceual g
under presidents Li Yuanhong, Feng Guozhany and Xu Shichang, Duan continued to ayers
his own militiry power, and by the early 1920s had emerged, with Zhanig Zuolin and

26. According to Hu Feng's letter to A Long (Chen Yimen) on September 26, 1947,
in excerpt here (p. 90 of book of materials) as the first piece of muaierial in the third colleetie
Chen Zuo was the chief of police of Beijing under the KMT in 1946. The argument that Ha.
counected with Chen Zuo, and hence with the KMT secret service, 1s based on this letter i
Ha asked A Long to go to Chen Zao to argue for the release of Jin Zhifang, a friend of Hu’
had been arrested by the KMT for association with the Communist movement,
27, Book, pp. 88-90; RMRB Gune 10, 1985); but not in Nuunji. ;
28. (Book, pp, 91-92; RMRB: wot in Xuunyi.) This is Mao's commentary on the tind 1
“selections” in the thind collection of materials, which Were tetters beeween Hu and A Leng)
September 26 and 28, 1957. October 1, 1947, and July 15, 1946, (ook, pp, HOI),
29. The identity of Lu Yuan has never been fully disclosed, Daganye bue was a civitiansps KOT
and smanaged newspaper With no ostensible government or political affiliations. Hwas ee ye
systematically to Dagwang boo in Guangzhou and Li baw of Changsha, Hengyung, and Guilin
the time described here, Dugeme bao was located beity in Hunkou (cited ax Wuban the I
Nanjing. The Hankou Dagang hao was under the yencral editorship af Liu Renxi when ong 2
took over in 1549. Later, Lu Yusn, who apparently aided Zeng Zuo in the takeowes, was axel
ta Chongfiang ribao (Yangue River Daily). ee:
30. (Book, pp. 92-93; RMRB: aot in Xwanyi.) This is Mao’s commentary on two letters vritren D
Lu Yuasa to Hu Feng from Chongying on May 13, 1944, and to A Long and Liu D ‘ying 8
September 23, 1947, from Wahan. (“Selections 5 and 6 in “Third Coltection.”) +
3 (Book. pp. 96-97; RMRB; not in Nuai/i.) This is Mao's comment on A Lormye's ann
as sections 15-18 in the book at this point. These were letters wy Liao Lo (July 31. 193%, and Auge
30, 1957), to Hu Feng (August 16, 1951), and to Mei Zhi (August 24, (951), Here O
RMRE version omits seven characters, represenred bere by “must not be insensitive and ¢: oF:
32. Acconting to Céyw fiansht, p. 102, Lu was originally « military officer in the KMT [ores
and an instractor of the KMT “Commrenisty-tiquidation™ corps. He Wined the KMT in 1937 at
became a Communist cadre in 1945, According to the maternal gathered here jn these enllectie
Lu was active as a “Hu Feng clement” uy Tianjin. In his letter to Hu Feny on May 7. I9aea tS
suggested ir Hu that “you must sdopt the tactical method of attacking, which fy pot it Wa
them Io raise questions about yeu, but first 10 wo (0 the higher levels of authority and bel

http: sgz
yontt views ahout the current fiterary movement| in other words, 10 give them a blow on the

ue ‘This refers tou “report” made by Hu Feng to the Central Committee of the CPC in 1954, in
which he criticined the Party line on literature and art, especially the “principles” Laid down by
stae in the Yanan Forum of May 1942. In this report Hu said that the Party line imposed unduly
oo artists and writers the “three clubs” (of workers, peasunts, and soldiers) and the “five swords”
(of “the force’! coordinations between literary and artistic work and the worker-peasant-soldier
gitiance," “the need for artists and writers 0 undergo thought reform,” “the Communist worldview” “the nationalist form,” and “serving the interests of polities”). He described Mao's speech
arihe Yanan forum as “totemism.” According to the notes to selection $2 in the second! cellection
of materuils here, Hu was accused of having gathered many of his collaborators in Beijing to discuss and draft this repyn_ (See Book, p. 77.)

1, This refers to Hu’s specehes at the Entarged Joint Meetings of the Presidium of the Chinese
Federation of Literary and Artistic Circles and the Presidium of the Chinese Association of Writon Hiy made speeches at the second and third of these meetings, of which there were eight in all
from October 31 to December §, 1954. This speech was published in issuc mi). 22 of Wenyl bao {n
1984, The mocting wats convened to review the issue of Henyt hao, triggered by the Honglaw:
meny attain (See notes to text October 16, 1954.)

18, (Burk, pp. 99-100, and Xuan/i, V, pp. 163-164.) This is Mao's conmmentary on Lu Dian’s
letter to Hu Feng on May 7, 1952,

<6. (Book, p. 100; RMRB; and Nuanji, V, p. 164.) This is Mao's commentary on Lu Yuan's
letter to He Feng on May 18, 1952.

47. (Rook, p. 101; RMRB; wot in Nuanjl.) This is Mao’s commentary on Fang Ran's letter to
itu Feng on May 5, 1954, In this fetter Fang Ssigpested three ways to pose an attitude of being
close to the Communist Party: (1) Submit theoretical eseays and opinions and submit applications
for membership te the Party! (2) Actively take part in literary as well x social activities; do not
decline invitations 10 forums and such; and (3) Do not make complarnts to anyine.

IK, See texts October 19S4 and October 16, 1954,

¥), (Rook, p. 102: RMRA: pot in Xuaagl) This is a commentary in A Long's letter to Hu Feng
wn November 15, 1954,

40. (Book, pp. 103-104; RMA; not in Xoanji) This ts a Contmentary te Lu Yuun's letter to Hu
Veng on July 23, 1950, in which be talked about the impending expiration of the term of probathon on his CPC membership application
41. (Book, p. 104; RMRA; and Xnanji, V. pp. 164-165.) This is a Mao commentary on
Ouyang Zhuany's betes to Ho Feng on June 24, 1951, in which he described o prospective
‘cOrmracke” in Suzhou,

41. (Book, p. 105, RMRB.) This commentary is im response to Lu Ling'y letter to Hu Feng on
January W), 1952.

43. See note 33.

45. (Book, p. 106; RMRB; pot in Xuarié.) Thie is @ Commentary of La Dian’s letters to Hu
Feng on April 4, April 7. and April 18, 1952,

45, (Book, p, 107; RMRB; not in Xaanyl,) This is a commentary ow more of La Dian’s setters
(May 7 and June 9, 1952) to Ho Peng
46, Beak p. 110: RMRE, not in Nuan/i,

47. See note 33. Also see Mao, SW, Il, pp. 69 Uf
48. This isu commentary ot Zhang Zhonexiny's letter to Ea Feng on August 22, 1951, (Bank,
Po 11-112; RAMRA; not in Xiwarefl,)

40 Chaco Co was 4 legal scholar who became a confidan| of the Emperor Jingdi of the Han
dynusty (reigning 156-141 B.C.) He counselled the reduction of the size of the fiefdoms held by
(be (eutal Jonte-of the realny and thereby triggered a rebellion of the nobility fed by the princes of
Wu amt Chu. He was subsequently executed, The term for puritying the ranks of the emeperor’s
counsellors” is ging jun se (literally, to clea up thar which Stamts next to the sovercige,) han
Indeed « conmmocn slogan Cor imuurrestronary forces during China”s impenal pervod,
$0. Lin was. at the ime, deputy director of the Office of the Literary and Education Council of
the State Council and member of the executive committee (and Presidium) af the Chic r,
ation of Writers He Qifang was a member of both the Presidium of the Chinese Aden
Writers and the Chinese Federation of Literary und Artistic Circles. Zhou Wat vice m”
both organizations, and at the sare time deputy direstor of the Propaganda Depanes sn
CPC. All three ptayest a role in the active criticism of Yu Pingbs? in the M, "
in the coavening of the joint meeting of the two federations, at which Hu Feng puinced by
ictsm of the Party fine on literatire. (See notes to text October 16, 1954, and nate on
move detailed biographies of these people, see Zhunggang renming lu, Li Liming y 7) an -
Oct, 16, 1954, note 4 ic

Si. (Book, p 115; RMRB; not in Xuanj!) This is a commentary on Lu Dian’y thers:
Yuan on December 27, 1951 ae

52. See note 33

53. Wilh the exception of Wen Yidwo, shor literary biographies of these famed 1
ere China are found tn L4 Liming (1977), For Mao Dun see under Shen ¥

54, (Book, p. 119, RMRB: not in Xucnyi.) This is a commentary on letters rece) ed by Hu F
from Ls Yuan (April |, 1952), Qi Fanie (Mareh 24, 1947), Lu Ling (April 3 and Ma
and La Dengtai (undated); in which the works of Guo Moruy.and Lao She were speci y
cized,

35. The Qing dynasty in China existed from 1644 to J9LL, when it was overthn
Republican Revolution. In 1912, Yean Shikai, who had been governor of Zhilt
gram minister of Beiyang, becume provisiimal President of the Republic of
established a government in Beijing known as the Beiyang government, (The term E ‘ivan
Norther Seas, refers, in the tate Qing, to the area of northern China encompasting ne we
fonher coastal provinces such as Linoning, Hebel, and Shundong.)

After Yuan's death, the potitica) system he had created fell apart, with bis ratw hile Lieuse
split up into various factions: the Anhui clique controlled largely by Duan Qinai (see ne
supported by the Japanese; the Fengtian clique, also supported by Japan, ca rolled by Z
Zuolin; and the Zhili clique controlled by Feng Guozbang, Cao Kun and Wu Peify were ¢
cliques. Since these warlords were mosily formerly affiliated with Yuan Shikal and d rwed
military power from his “Beiyany" Amy, they were known as Beiyang warlords, shoul
noted thal these were only the bigger warlords, and there were many others, ‘some igri WI
the Beiyang cliques and others independent of thern The Beiyang cliques. however, crmiéng
against each other for power anc! influence mostly in North and Central China, and for ea :
the government in Beijing, which constantly changed hands in the most sporadic: fash eT
plunged Chins into intermittent civil war and total disintegration. a situation that €¢ a
1927, when the Northern Expedition of the Republican Army controlled by the KMT
lords of south and westem China aligned with the KNIT succeedet in ousting at long tas he
Yang government and “unifying” China. For more details on this period of Chinese hi ity,
Sheridan (1975), particularly Ch, 3 -
By Japanese militarism Mao refers to the pheoomenon of Japanese militarist mpertalist & i
sion beginning in the tate-1920s in Korea and extending over northern China im the
mid-1930s, which in tum led to Japan's occupation of most of China tw the late 193
Which pecurred before Pearl Harbor and Japan's invelyment in the Pacific War with ¢
States during the period of the Second World War For more detuils on this wee J. Cro
(1970), pp. 235 fi, R. Butow (1961), and ¥. Maxon (1957).
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APRIL. ~ JUNE 1955 / 583

--- Notes

56. (Book, pp_ 121-122: RMRB; and Naanji, V. pp, 165-166) Thiy te Mao's comm
Dian’ fetter to Hu Feng on June 20, 1957. The various descriptions quoted in this cor
verbation (rom the lener,

57. These last two sentences here appear only in the RARA version,

58. This refers to Niu Han, whose letter to Hu Feng on February 3, 1952, preceded th
ment,

59. Book, pp. 122-123; RMRB; not in Xuanji,
). (Book, pp, 124-125, RMRB, and Nuanli. V, Pp, 166-167.) Tike is Mao's commie
letter written by Zhang Zhonysian to Hu Peng on May 25, 1951,


6\, (Book, p. 125; RMRB; and Xuanji, V. p. 167.) This ts Mao's comment on a letter from
ghang Zhongxiao to Hu Feng on July 27, 1950.