The Debate Over Agricultural Cooperativization and the Present Class Struggle
(October 11, 1955)

Source: Xuanji, V, pp. 195-217. Available English Translation: SW, V, pp.
1) |-234.

This is the concluding speech at the Sixth (Enlarged) Plenwn of the Seventh Central
Committee of the CPC, held October 4-11, 1955, Another version of this speech
uppears under the date September 1955, in Wansui (1969), pp. 12-25 (available English translation: JPRS, Miscellany, /, pp. 14-26). The dating of this latter version is
obviously incorrect. The two versions differ substantially; whereas the latter seems to
be notes on the main items thar Mao discussed, the former seems like a more detailed
account of his actual words, although it contains certain significant variations from
the latter document. Therefore, in order to provide the fullest available text of the relevant portions of the speech and to highlight the meaningful differences berween the
versions, while using the Xuanji version as the base text (simply because it represents
a fuller text), we have footnoted all significant differences between the two texts. In
addition, paragraphs where the Xuanji verston is expanded in comparison with the
Wansui version bur in which the meaning is basically the same have been marked with
an (E) at the end of the paragraph.

This conference of ours has been a very great debate. It was a great debate
over the question of whether during the period of transition from capitalism to
socialism, our Party's general line is entirely correct or not.’ It was the queshon of the orientation of policy toward agricultural cooperativization that led
to this great debate throughout the whole Party, and the comrades’ discussions
have focused on this question. But the facets inyolved in this debate have been
Many; they have included the work of the agricultural, industrial, communications, transportation, fiscal, financial, trade, cultural, educational, scientific,
and public health departments; they have included the transformation of the
handicraft. industries and of capitalist industry and commerce; they have
included the suppression of counterrevolutionaries and also military and for-
“ign affairs. In sum, they have involved all areas of Party, government, mililary, and civil work. We should have a great debate such as this because our
Party as yet has not had a debate of this type since the promulgation of the

—s


630 / MAQ ZEDONG

general line, This debate must unfold in the countryside and in the g be
that all aspects of our work, [including] its speed and quality, can be gp
to meet the tasks set out in the general line and so that [all aspects of ui
will fit into a comprehensive plan. Now I will express a few opinions ¢
following questions. a!
(1) The Relation between Agricultural Cooperativization and the Transfne,
tion of Capitalist Industry and Commerce

The question of the relation between agricultural cooperativization gp
transformation of capitalist industry and agriculture, that is, the que tio <a
the relation between basically completing the socialist transformation of
culture within 4 period of approximately three five-year plans fon soon
hand] and basically completing the socialist (ransformation of in
try and commerce within the same period [on the other] is also the questing
of the relation between agricultural cooperativization and the bourgeoisie fi

We believe that only when agriculture is in the process of undergc ng at
ough socialist transformation can the alliance between the working ¢ SS utd
the peasants be gradually consolidated on a new basis, i.c., on the basis o
socialism; then and only then can we completely sever the ties be
urban bourgeoisie and the peasants; then and only then can Mee ate
bourgeoisie completely and thus make it easier for us to transform &
industry and commerce thoroughly. Our goal in carrying out the s0
transformation of agriculture ix to pull out the roots of capitalism o
expanse of rural areas,(E)

At present, we still have not completed agricultural cooperativiz: Lion
the working class still has not yet formed a solid alliance with the p
a new basis; the alliance between the working class and the peasants is
unstable. The alliance we formed with the peasants in the past on th
the land revolution no longer satisfies the peasants.” They have b
what forgetful of the benefits that they gained in that {struggle}. N om
must be new benefits for them — that is, socialism. At present the
have not all prospered together; food grain and industrial raw 6
still Very insufficient. In this situation the bourgeoisie may be able (of nnd ©
faults on this question and attack us. |But) in a few years we will ee 0
pletely new situation: the working class and the peasants will have [0
far more consolidated alliance than that of the past on a new

This alliance of the past, which was [based on) opposing the 1a
attacking the local despots, and dividing up the land, was # tempol
ance.” It was consolidated for a short while, but then it could not rem
solidated any further. After land reform, the peasants sturted to pola
don’t have anything new for the peasants and cannot help them
forces of production, increase their income, and make them prosper LOBES
the poor [peasants] will have no faith in us. They will feel that going oth
with the Communist Party is meaningless, for, if after the dividing Up OT

"Fr

land they are still poor, then why should they want to go along with! ee
for those well-off ones. (hose who have become rich peasunts or very “

http: / /dztsg2.
do peasants, they won't trust us either. They feel that the policy of the Comynunist Party has never been to their taste. The result is that neither [side) has
faith Lin} Us; the poor peasants don’t believe [in] us; nor do the rich peasants.
‘Thus the worker-peasunt alliance is far from consolidated. If we want to consolidate the worker-peasant alliance, we must lead the peasants onto the
socialist road and enable the peasant masses to become prosperous together.
The poor peasants must prosper. All the peasants must prosper, and moreover, the level of their prosperity must exceed by far the present level of prosperity of the well-to-do peasants. Once cooperativization is realized, the
entire rural population will become increasingly prosperous year by year, and
{the production of] commodity grain* and industrial raw materials will grow
continuously. At that time the bourgeoisie will have nothing more fo say and
will find itself in a completely isolated position, (E)

Al present we have two alliances: one is the alliance with the peasants, the
other is an alliance with the national bourgeoisie. These two alliances are both
very necessary for us: Comrade Zhou Enlai also discussed this topic,” What
advantages does the alliance with the national bourgeoisie have [for us]? We
can gel even more industrial products (o exchange for agricultural products.
After the October Revolution there was 4 time when Lenin planned to do just
this. Because the state didn’t have industrial products to exchange [for grain},
the peasants didn’t hand over food grain; nor could [the state] simply buy (the
yrain| with [mere] paper money. Therefore Lenin proposed to allow the prolelanan state authority to form an alliance with national capitalism in order fo
secure more industrial products to cope with spontaneous [capitalist] forces in
the countryside." It is also precisely for the purpose of obtaining even more
industrial products to satisfy the peasants’ needs and to make it easier Wo
change the peasants’ reluctance to sell food grain and even some other indus~
trial raw materials that we are now forming an alliance with the bourgeoisie
and, for the time being, are implementing the policy of utilizing, restricting,
and transforming capitalist enterprises rather than confiscating them.’ This is
Using the alliance with the bourgeoisie to overcome the peasants’ reluctance to
sell [grain and other raw materials], At the same time, we rely on the alliance
With the peasants to obtain food grain and industrial raw materials with which
‘0 control the bourgeoisie. The capitalists have no mw materials, |but) the
Slate has raw materials. If they want raw materials then they will have to hand
Over their industrial products for sale to the state. thus putting into effect state
capitalism.” If they don't do so, we won't give them raw materials. Either
way, we will hold them in check. This will block up the capitalist road the
bourgeoisie intends to follow — the road of setting up free markets,” freely
Obtaining raw material, and freely selling industrial products — and moreover
\t Will cause the bourgeoisie to become politically isolated. Here, | am talking
about the interaction between these two alliances. Of these twa alliances, the
alliance with the peasants is the principal [one], the basic [one], the pri
lone}, while the alliance with the bourgeoisie is temporary and secondary."
{nan economically backward country such as ours, both of these two alliances
are nevessury at the moment.(E) °

The land reform enabled us to form ad ulliance with the peasants on the».
of democracy and enabled the peasants to obtain tind. For the peagyes
obtain land is a matter that has a bourgeois democratic revolutionary ¢.
[since] it only destroys feudal ownership {but} does not destroy citherean:
ist ownership or individual ownership, That alliznee made the bouros
feet isolated for the first time. In 1950, at the Third Plenum of the [Seyen,
Central Committee, 1 said that we shouldn't hit out in all directions [gi q,
same-time].” At that time many areas throughout the whole count thud eit
not curried out lund reform, the peasants still hadnt completely COME OVE
our side. If we had opened fire on the bourgeoisie then, things wo Id not hay
worked. Once land reform had been carried out and the peasants ha os
pletely come over to our side; then we could and would have to carry guns
“Three-Anti's” and “Five-Anti's” [campaigns].'? The cooperativization
agriculture would enable us to consolidate the alliance with the peas,
on the basis of bourgeois democracy but on the basis of proletarian socia
This then will cause the final isolation of the bourgeaisie, {thus}
simpler to finally eliminate capitalism, We have absolutely no qual
doing this! Marxism is fierce in this way; it doesn’t have many ¢
these matters}; it aims to eradicate imperialism, eradicate feud: ism, ¢
capitalism. and eradicate small-scale (modes of] production, In thes
it’s better to haye fewer qualms. We have some comrades who are too
ful; they are not forceful enough; that is to say, they are not thar Mar
bring about the eradication of the bourgeoisie and of capitalism in China:
its population of six hundred million is a very good undertaking; it i
immensely meaningful and good enterprise. Our goal is to eradicate eap
ism. to root it out from the face of the earth, and to tarn it into a
tory. All things that have arisen historically will eventually be elf i
There is nothing on earth that has not arisen historically; what is born ite
die, This thing [called] capitalism has developed historically; nce it #
also die; it has a very good place fo go; that is, it can go to its [last) “sleep” in
the sod.(E) “

At present the international environment is conducive to our comple
general task in the period of transition.'" We must basically complet
ist industrialization and socialist transformation in a period of three
plans."* We must definitely strive to vain such a length of time for pe
construction. Three of the fifteen years have already passed, [g0) twe' :
years [of peace} will do, It seems that this (time) can be gained, (but) we must
strive hard for it. We must redouble our efforts in our work in foreign afta
and national defense construction. —

During this fifteen year period” the international and domestic clas
gle may be very tense. We have already seen that it is very tense. Wi
already achieved a good many victories in the class struggle, and mm
we must continue to win {such} victorics in the future. Looking bee"
domestic class struggle in the lust year [we can say that) we have pancip

http://dztsq2


OCTOBER —- DECEMBER 1955 | 433

yccomplished four things: one wax carrying out the struggle ugainst idealism;
the second was suppressing the counterrevolutionaries; the third was resolving
ihe problem of food grain, and the fourth was resolving the problem of agricultural cooperativization. The struggle over al! four of these issues had the
juture Of & struggle against the bourgeoisie; we dealt the bourgeoisie a severe
plow and are continuing to deal them blows that will smash them to bits.

Beginning with the struggle over the question of Hongloumeng {Dream of
the Red Chamber], and in conjunction, the criticism of Wenyi bao (Literary
Gazette) and, subsequently, criticizing and repudiating Hu Shi and Liang
Smuaming, we haye already been carrying out (the struggle against idealism]
for a year.'* We must carry out the opposition to idealism in earnest, and we
are prepared to carry on [this struggle] for [a period of] three five-year plans.
In the strugele against idealism we must build an army of cadres [who uphold]
Marxist dialectical materialism so that the broad [masses of] our cadres ani
people can arm themselves with the basic theories of Marxisni. In the suppression of counterrevolutionaries, we are prepared to carry out, during this year
and the next, the work of purging the counterrevolutionaries, [taking as the
scope of this struggle] the stute-run factories, state-run commercial
lenterprises}, cooperatives, all the various organizations at the xian, district
and sdang levels, and furthermore, including cadres in the military and workcrs in the factonies — generally speaking, a scope that encompasses some
Iwelve million people in all, When we talk about counterrevolutionaries, it
seems as though there aren't too many of them); if you [just] look you can't
see them. If investigation is done, [however,] [you will find that] they are
indeed there. At present we have already exposed a bunch of them. [We] have
also fought a great battle over the problem of food grain. The bourgeoisie
ised the grain problem as an excuse to attack us; within the Party there also
emerged a spate of rumors, and therefore we launched a criticism [campaign].
Over the issue of agricultural cooperativization we have carried out a good
number of struggles. This conference, too, has focused on the discussion of
this question. We have inaugarated a tremendous battle over these four issues:
We have struck blows ut the resistance and the attacks of the bourgeoisie,
land] we have gained the initiative.(E)

The bourgeoisie is afraid that we will launch an attack against it on these
‘ssucs; in particular, it is afraid of (the campaign for] the suppression of coun-
(errevolutionanes. Our work in suppressing counterrevolutionaries has been
one well. In [doing] this work we must pay attention to criteria [because] it
would be very dangerous not to have criteria. Only when someone meets the
Criteria [which define a counterrevolutionary| can that person be called a
Founterrevolulionary; this means that we want fo suppress only true counterrevolutionaries; we don't want to suppress anybody who is not really a counterrevolutionary. We must allow for the possibility thar we may turn up phony
Sounterrevolutionanes; it's very difficult fo rule out [this possibility). But
(nonetheless) it is our aim that fewer cases of false counterrevolutionaries will
be tumed up, and none at all if possible. Everything must fit the criteria and


634 | MAO ZEDONG

must be the real and genuine article; they simply have to be real ©
lutionaries, and we must not wrong good people. At the same time,
possible that we might neglect a few true counterrevolutionaries, You
say that this time we have cleaned up [all the counterrevolutionar
necessarily; it is very hurd to avoid letting a few slip by us. erthielos,
must make every possible effort to let as few as possible slip by uy.
(2) Summing up the Debate over the Question of MaRABhe
On the issue of agricultural cooperativization, many inventions o
the masses have broken down a good number of superstitions parr
pelled a good number of incorrect viewpoints.” This discussion has yp olVed
many of the questions that a Jot of people still hadn't fully es
months ago. 7
The question is tirst whether it is better (0 develop [cooperativizationy jp
big way or in a small way. This is a major question, |and) the debi nls 1
has been a very big [one]. [but] now it has been resolved. The masses ch .
development in a big way; the general tasks of the period of transition
(hat agricultural [development] correspond to industrial [development]; :
quently the viewpoint advocating development in a small way is incor
The next question is whether or not [cooperativization] can be de:
those areas that were liberated later, whether or not it can be d ed
mountainous areas, the backward xiang, and the disaster areas. This qu
has now been resolved; development is possible in all these areas.
The third question is whether the minority nationality regions Can set up
cooperatives or not. By now it has been proven that any place where gon
tions are ripe can set up cooperatives, There are some areas, such as Tit
the Daliang and Xiaoliang mountains, " where conditions are still ie
which case we cannot as yet go fo set up cooperatives [in ican
The fourth question is Whether [in places) without funds,
without oxen, and without the participation of well-to-do wide
cooperatives can be set up or not. It has now been proven that they, ta
set up [cooperatives].
The fifth issue concerns the saying, “Cooperatives are casy to set up bu
to consolidate.” This superstition has also been broken down, Sell
cooperatives isn't really all that easy on the one hand, [and] on the oth
consolidating them is not necessarily all that hard, [Those who] insist on
ing that cooperatives ure easy to set up but hard to consolidate are ae -
advocating not setting up cooperatives [at all] or (are advocating} that it be
fo set up only a minimum. -
The sixth question is whether [places] that do not have agricultural maenme
ery can set up cooperatives or not, At present the idea that only when [iat wet)
has [agricultural] machinery cun it set up a cooperative is no longer Very ¥
spread, although some [people] still persist in this viewpoint.
superstition is also one that can be completely destroyed." (B), ’
The seventh question is whether all the cooperatives that have been are?
run sbould be disbanded or oot, Naturally there isa small number of ¢¢

http: / /dztsg2

+


OCTOBER —- DECEMBER 1955 / 635

uves that simply cannot continue to be run, [and these] can revert back to
mutual aid leams, But generally speaking the so-called poorly min coopenrjives ought not be disbanded; [all they need is to} undergo reorganization and
thert they can be turned into well-run cooperatives,”

The eighth point concerns the “argument,” moat likely transmitted to the
iower levels by the Rural Work Department of the Central Committee,” that
~|{ we don’t get off the horse quickly, we will destroy the worker-peasant alli-

ance.” The Rural Work Department of the Central Committee has not only
heen producing rumors, but it has also been producing many [such]
“arguments.” For the most part | think this sentence is “correct” as long as you
change one word; that is, as long aS you) change “off to “on” then it would
be all right. You folks at the Rural Work Department needn't get depressed. |
accept as many words as you have given me, with the exception of only the
one word that I changed. The difference ts in only one word; what we are
debating is only one word; you want fo get off the horse, | want to. get on the
horse. “If we don’t get on the horse quickly we will destroy the worker: ~peasant alliance”; the prospects of its destruction are indeed present. * (E)

‘The ninth point concerns the saying that “The cooperatives are to blame for
the death of the draft oxen.” This interpretation isn’t fully in accord with the
vctual situation. In the main, the deaths of draft oxen are not owing to the
cooperatives but owing to flood, to the excessively high price of oxhide, and
to insufficient feed; and then there are some draft animals that are old and had
to be killed,

The tenth point involves the allegation that “the tense situation in the couniryside basically stems from the fact that too many cooperatives have been set
up, " This interpretation is wrong, The tense situation in the rural areas this
spring arose principally [as a result of] the grain problem. The alleged shortage of grain was, in the main, a fraud; it was the clamoring of the landlords,
the rich peasants, and the well-to-do middle peasants, On this matter, we did
not have time to do sufficient education among the broad masses of peasants,
jand) at the sume time our work in the area of food grain had some shortcomings. Last year we didn’t find out what actually was the proper amount of
grain we should buy and [consequently] purchased seven billion catties in
excess of the necessary amount.”’ Now we will readjust and are prepared to
buy seven billion catties less. Furthermore, this year's harvest is good. In this
way, the situation in the countryside can be ameliorated.

Bleventh, there is also the saying that “the cooperatives can only have three
years of superiority,” This is pessimistic. In my view the superiority of the
cooperatives definitely will not be limited to three years; socialism will continue for quite a long time. When we get to that point in the future, when
socidlism can no longer represent superiority, then the superiority of coniumunism will supplant it.

Twelfth. should we establish some higher-stage cooperatives in the near
future or not?” [We] were not very clear on this question in the past, [and
now] it has been brought up [at the conference). We should set up a group of


636 | MAO ZEDONG

higher-stage cooperatives. As for how many we should estublist, Ii on
you to deliberate,

The thirteenth point concems the allegation that “junks and animafey
carts cannot be cooperativized.” This is wrong. Today one can see q m
millions of laborers in the transportation trades involving junks and dy
powered carts also should be organized into cooperatives.

On the basis of your discussion we have resolved a good many y
this is the great result of this plenum of the Central Committee.

(3) On the Question of Comprehensive Planning and Strengthejiny: tle
ship

Comprehensive planning should include: first, the planning of cooperate
second, the planning of agricultural production, [and] third, overall ee
planning. Overall rural economic planning includes [planning of] side
occupations, handicraft industries, diversified economic undertakinpsy =:
thesized multipurpose economic undertakings, short-distance re
wasteland and resettlement, supply and marketing cooperatives, Mie
cooperatives,” banks, technique-dissemination stations, etc., plus affor
ton of barren hills and villages. I think that the barren mountains ine
in particular should be afforested, and it certainly can be done. Do [you)e
tades from the North have this courage? Many places in the South ra
still be afforested. It would be good if we could see forests everywhere
throughout the North and South in a few years. This work is beneficw
agriculture, to industry, to everything:

What other planning is there? There is also the planning of culture a
cation, which includes eliminating illiteracy,” running primary s¢ wis,
ning middle schools that are appropriate to the needs of the count
increasing the curriculum related to agriculture in the middle setioot
publishing popular reading materials and books that suit the needs of th
ants, developing the rural broadcasting network and movie projection teams

organizing cultural dnd recreational activities, etc. In addition, there is © one
idating and building the Party, consolidating and building the League,” W
among Women, and also the suppression of counterrevolutionaries. All ne
aspects should be included in the overall planning. =
There should be these different types of planning: (1) the planning of the #
lage cooperatives. Every cooperative should have a plan, Even if [a ct
tive] is small it should have # plan; {we should) make them leam how
this kind of thing. (2) Planning on # xiang scale, Our country has
220,000 xiang [therefore we should) make 220,000 or so plans for the
(3) Planning on a xian scale. We bope that each xian will draw up a plan
present some of the xian have already worked out excellent plans,
make really interesting reading. Their thinking is liberated; they fear me
heaven not earth; they are not fettered by any leg-irons or handcuffs; the =
that they have drawn up are quite lively, (4) Planning for provinces (ar 40™
omous regions, or the suburban areas of all municipalities). Among't
pluns [We must) emphusize the x/any and cian plans, We must grasp 1

http: //d
inks firmly [and] quickly draw up a group [of such plans]. For example, ina
vince, three or foar xian plans can be drawn up and published so that all
ihe other localities can follow suit.(E)”

The planning of cooperativization should establish different speeds of develypment for different areas. These areas can be divided into three types. The
first type makes up the majority of the areas; the second, a small portion of the
yreas; and the third makes up another small portion of the areas. For the
majority of the areas there should be three waves [of cooperativization), three
winter-spring (periods). ‘The three wayes are: this winter and next Spring, next
winter and the following spring, and the following winter and spring, [These]
(bree winter-spring [penods) are the three waves, with one wave arising
before the previous one has fully subsided; between waves we should rest 3
pit. Between two mountains there is a valley, between two waves a trough,”
In these areas it will be possible for semisocialist cooperativization to be basically accomplished by the spring of 1958." In the second type of area two
winter-spring [periods}, two waves, will be enough, for example, in North
China, the Northeast, and some suburban areas. Among these areas there are
some individual areas that can basically complete cooperativization by spring
of next year; that is, only one wave will be enough. The third type of area,
ihat is, those others that make up the minor portion of the areas, will require
four, five, or even six winler-spring periods [fo basically complete cooperatiyization]. In this we must still make exceptions of some of the minority nationality areas, such as the Daliang und Xisoliang mountains, Tibet, and other
minority nationality areas where conditions are not tipe, [since cooperativization] cannot be carried out where conditions are not ripe. What do we mean by
basically completing semisocialist Cooperativization? It means that seventy
to eighty per cent of the rural population will have entered semisocialist coopetatives, Within these [guidelines] there is also some margin for mancuver;
seventy per cent is all right and so is seventy-five, or eighty, or even a few per
cent more — this is what we mean by basically completing semisocialist co-
Operativization. That little bit that is left over can be taken care of later. Going
too slow is no good, [but] neither is going too fast. Going too slow and going
too fast are both opportunism. There are two types of opportunism; one is the
opportunism of (going too} slow; the other the opportunism of [going too]
fast. It is easier for the people to understand if we explain it in this way.(B)

The three levels of provinces (municipalities and autonomous regions),
Lspecial] districts, and xian must keep up on the conditions of the develop-
Ment in the movement every minute and resolve problems as soon as they
arise, We must remember not to allow problems to build up before we make 4
summary; [that would be} to give belated criticism, In the past, much of our
work was done in this way problems that evolved along the way were not
resolved; we Jet them build up, und then at the last minule we made a
Summary and a criticism. Some comrades committed this error during the
“Three-Anti's” and “Five-Anti's” campaigns, We mustn't indulge in criticism
afler the event. It is necessary to criticize things [after they occur), but it


638 § MAO ZEDONG

would be best to criticize [errors} just when they appear. It ig pg
indulge in criticizing things [only] after the event and to fail 10 give py
in changing circumstances at the moment of change. What is to be de
one encounters an unfavorable situation? [If we encounter) an up me
situation We must immediately put on the brakes, or call a halt to thi, 2s a
like riding in a car ~ if you run into danger going down a very steep slay
immediately brake the car to a halt. The provinces, [special] ¢
xian all have the power to put a halt to things. We must pay nite nde
ing against “Left” (deviation). Guarding against “Left” (deviation| is Maps
not opportunist, Marxism does not advocate “Left” deviation; “Lef '
nism is not Marxism.
From now on, in our work of developing cooperatives, what show
areas of our competition be’? Our competition should be in
[meeting] specifications. As for quantity or speed, it will be fine as le
provisions referred to earlier are met; the emphasis is on competition
quality. What are the criteria for [measuring] quality? They are ne :
production and not {allowing] livestock to die. What do we have to do
we can increase production? What do we have to do before we can p
livestock from being killed? To accomplish these goals we will } a
observe the principle of voluntary participation and mutual benefit, 4
comprehensive plans, and provide flexible leadership. If we follow these fe
points } think that the quality of the cooperatives will improve so that prod)
tion can be increased and there will be no loss of livestock. We m
costs avoid the mistake the Sovier Union made in allowing ve nih
livestock to be slaughtered.” The key is in the next two years, d ing “
the next five months are the most important, that is, this wine i
spring. From this November until next March, | ask you all to pay atter
avoiding major disturbances by all possible means and to avoiding an
loss of cattle, Since at present we still have very few tractors. oxen are
ure; they are the primary tools for agricultural production."
In the next five months, the principal cadres at the five levels Is hee
ince, the [special] district, the xian, the district, and the xiang, fT il
(Party) secretaries and deputy secretaries, must by all means probe
question of cooperatives and become familiar with all aspects of (heit pr
lems. Is this period too short! I think five months is enough if page
Scientious effort to probe. Of course it is very important for the comnr :
the provincial level to make such a conscientious effort to probe; (bu
especially [important] for the xian, district, and xiany cadres, for if they de
probe into the question, and {if} they set up a lot of cooperatives while th
themselves don't know anything about them, it would be very dange ee
What should be done if [someone simply] cannot probe into the question ey
if he keeps at it? In that case [that cadre's) work assignment ‘bai we
changed. After five months, that is after next March, the Central Com
may well call another meeting like this one. At that time we will have a 60*
petition over quality: our speeches should then center on someth

http: //dz
rather than repeating the specches made at this [conference]; that is, we will
giscuss the problem of comprehensive planning, the problem of
jdministration and management, and the problem of leadership methods.
{Wel will discuss what methods are good for setting up more and better cooperatives faster. That is, we will talk about the problem of quality.

Leadership methods are very important. If we don't want to make mistakes,
we mast pay attention to leadership methods and strengthen the leadership,
Here are some suggestions on leadership methods; see if they are practicable.
This is what we are all doing now, bolding several conferences # year, cither
jarze ones or small ones, in order to resolve current problems. [f a problem
grises, one must look for what is universal in particular cases). One does not
have to catch all the sparrows and dissect them to prove that “although the
sparrow is small, it has all the vital organs.” Scientists have never done things
thut way.

Once it is clear about a few cooperatives, one can draw the appropriate conclusions. Aside from the method of calling meetings, there are also the methods of Sending telegrams, making telephone calls, and going on inspection
tours, all of which are important leadership methods. In addition, each province should select suitable persons to do a good job of running periodicals and
to improve periodicals [in order to] exchange experiences rapidly. [There is)
another Suggestion that T would ask you to try out. [ spent cleven days of time
and effort reading over 120 reports to which I made corrections and added
comments." In doing so I “traveled through all the kingdoms,” traveling
even more widely than Confucius did; | have even “traveled” to Yunnan and
Xinjiang.” 1 wonder if it is possible for each province and autonomous
region to publish a book in a year or half a year with each xian contributing an
article so that the experiences of all the xian can be exchanged. This could be
helpful to the rapid expansion of the cooperativization movement. Still
another method is issuing bulletins. The xian [Party] committee should send
bulletins to the [special] district [Party] committee, and the [special] district
{Party| committee should send bulletins to the provincial |Party] committee or
[autonomous] region Party committee, while the provincial and [autonomous)
fegion Party commitices should send bulletins to the Central Committee. [The
bulletins should] report on how progress is being made in cooperatives and on
Whatever problems have cropped up. Upon receiving such bulletins, leaders
at Cach level will be in the know about the situation and will have suggestions
Tegurding various leadership methods. Comrades, please think them over.
(4) On Ideological Struggle

Past experience has demonstrated one thing: ideological struggle must be to
the point. At present there is a saying that different ideas must cross swords
With each other. This fs like fighting: you thrust and | parry; the two swords
Mist cross — this is what is called a duel. If different ideas do not cross swords
With each other, then [we) will lack clarity and thoroughness, which is not
£00d. At this meeting we have crossed swords ideologically; we have
lachieved) clarity and thoroughness, The primary benefit of this method is


0 / MAQ ZEDONG

that it [can] help the majority of comrades to perceive kgs,
another benefit is that it {can} help comrades who have made errors ig oq,
their errors.

As for comnides: who have committed errors, | think there are opjy ,
rules: first, they themselves must want (to continue to] make revolution »
second, other people must also allow them to continuc to make evel,
There are also some individuals who themselves do not want (0 conting
ing revolution, For example, Chen Duxiu was no longer willing to cor
[making revolution}; Zhang Guotao was no longer willing to ¢ ant
[making revolution]; Gao Gang and Rao Shushi were no longer vile
tinue [making revolution], but such people are an extremely small mi ae
ity.” The great majority want to continue [making] revolution. Bur there
also another rule: one must let others [make] revolution. We should ny At
like the fake foreign devil in AA Q chengzhuan [True Story of Ah O)

did not allow Ah Q [to make] revolution; nor should we be like th

robed Scholar Wang Lun in Shuihu zhucan {Water Margin}” who also
allow other people (to make} revolution. People who do not allow other
make} revolution put themselves in a very dangerous position. The
robed Scholar Wang Lun did not allow others [to make] revolution, and ay
result he ended up losing his own life. Gao Gang did not tet others (make) re
olution, and didn't he lose his life in the end too? —

Past experience has proven that the overwhelming majority of people whe
have committed the error of dogmatism of the error of empiricism cant
rected. Here there must be two rules: on the one hand there must be se of
criticism, and on the other there must be an attinde of forbearance: |
good to do without the latter, for without it relations would become abnore
Who has not made some mistakes’? Regardless of who he is, everyor
made Some mistakes, big or small. There are, as a rule, only a very few it
rigible people, such as Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, Gao Gang, Rao Shik
and also Chen Guang and Dai Jiying-*' Aside from this extreme m
the other people can all be saved; they can all correct their errors with (he DEM
of comrades. This is the way we should do things; we should have t
confidence. Those whe have made errors should themselves ulso have
confidence.

Some comrades in the Rural Work Department of the Central Com
und principally Comrade Deng Zihui,” have made mistakes, The errors !
he has made this time are of the nature of a Right deviation and emping
Comrade Deng Zihui has made a self-criticism. Although in 5 '
meetings some comrades feel that his self-criticism was still not the
{enough}, on the other hand, our comrades in the Political Bureau an
other comrades have discussed it a bit and fee! that it is basically zood. tt
moment, the understanding that he has is good enough. In the long re
ary struggle of the past, Comme Deng Zihui has done a good am ou! -
work and has achievements [to his credit}; these must be |, Buy
must not consider these achievements to be baggage On this point he}


OCTOBER — DECEMBER 1955 | 641

has spoken; he said that he flaunted his seniority somewhat, People must bea
bit more modest. As long as [Comrade Deng] is modest and willing to accept
the belp of other comrades, we believe that his errors can be corrected,

In the past Comrade Deng Zihui made a programmiutic suggestion that we
should rely’ on merchants (that is, rely.on the bourgeoisie) and the “four big
freedoms.” That was wrong. It was indeed # bourgeois program, a capitaljst program, nota proletarian program; it violated the decision of the Second
Plenum of the Seventh Central Committse to restrict the bourgeoisie. * At
present we ure using the policy of restriction in dealing with the urban bourgeoisie and the rural bourgeoisie (the rich peasants).” Therefore the “four
big freedoms,” which place no restrictions on hiring laborers, trade, lending
money, and renting land, are problematic. | would say there are “four stall
freedoms," There is a distinction in the degree of magnitude [between my
“freedoms” and theirs.] Under [the policy of] restriction, the bourgeoisie has a
bit of freedom Jin these areas), [but] only a little bit, We must prepare the conditions for abolishing [even| these small freedoms of the bourgeoisie. With
regurd to the urban bourgeoisie, we call this [the policy of] utilization, restriction, and transformation, We must use [them], but we must restrict that portion [of the bourgeoisie] that is not beneficial to the national economy and the
people's livelihood. This type of policy is neither "Left" nor Right. No restrietion fof the bourgeoisie] at all would be too Right; extremely rigid
restrictions, not allowing them to do anything at all, would be too “Left.”
Lenin said it would not only be foolish, but moreover suicidal, for a political
party to think of completely eliminating capitalism at one Stroke when tens of
millions of small producers (still) exist.” Nevertheless, Comrade Deng
Zihui's suggestion was incorrect because he did pot mention restriction and
was therefore at Variance with the formulation of the Central Committee and
the formulation of the Second Plenum.

Some comrades have paid almost no attention to Party resolutions and to
policies that the Party hus advocated over long penods of time. It's as if they
have never seen them nor beard of them ~ 1 don’t know why. For example, the
mutual aid and cooperative movement was implemented, for a good number
of years, in the central revolutionary base areas, in Yanan, and in cach and
every base area, yet is as if [some comrades} hadn't seen them or heard of
then,” In the winter of 195} the Central Committee already adopted a resolution on mutual aid and cooperativization in agricultural production,” bat it
likewise passed unnoticed. Up until 1953 they were still not talking about fundamentals, preferring instead to be doing small favors.” By saying that they
Were not talking about fundamentals, | mean that they did not talk about
socialism; by saying that they preferred to be doing small favors, | mean that
they preferred to do small favors such as the “four big freedoms.” That is to
say, there were some comfades whe completely ignored the Party resolutions
and some policies and programs long advocated by the Party; [instead] they
did things in their own way, Moreover, they never tried to find out whether
Problems similar [to this] had been discussed by some other people before,


(42 / MAO ZEDONG

{and if so,] how they were discussed. Some historians even study tons
shells,” inscriptions on bronzes, and stone tablets, as well ws other Unearias
ancient artifacts, and yet these comrades don’( care in the least about things:
our recent past; nor do they bother to look into these things. In short, their eae
don’t hear anything from beyond their own walls: they just write wi ev -
they warit and say whatever they want, as for example, they have been taliy
about such things as those “four big freedoms”; very well, in the end, th
haye run inte a wall.
There are also some comnides who always prefer dispersionism” and Seer
their independence cven to the point of setting up their independent kj
doms”™ and who find dictatorship quite to their taste, At first it was fo
fort that they set up a kingdom and declared themselves kings. But
the result? The result was that it made them very uncomfortable; they ha
undergo criticism. Isn't there an opera called Da deny dian (Grand Pag
Ascending the Throne|? Look how comfortable Xue Pingguei was when fy
became king, for at that time there was no such thing as self-criticism.” Thy
was not good.
There-are some people who never like to discuss things with bie
comrades always pay lip service to [the principle of] collective leadership.
in fact they are extremely fond of being individual dictators; it's as if th
would not have the appearance of being leaders if they were not — ot
To be a leader one need not be a dictator; you know that, The bourgeoisie hk
a bourgeois democracy; it emphasizes class dictatorship. The proletariat ai
the Communist Party must also have a class dictatorship; it would not be ge
to carry out the dictatorship of an individual. When there are problems, the}
should always be discussed with others; they should be resolved by a coll
live; it is better to pool the wisdom of the majority.
There is still another type of situation that must be discussed. There af
some comnides who always bury themselves in their office work and nev
study problems. Do we do office work? Office work must be done. It isn
acceptable not to do office work, but it would be dangerous if one only”
office work and did not study problems. If you do not come int comact
cadres, if you do not come into contact with the masses, or if when }
come into contact with them, you wre always lecturing them but not discass™
things or exchanging ideas with them [by saying], “Do you think my id
correct or not? Please tell me your ideas,” [if you are like that) you W
able to sense the political atmosphere; your noses will beconve very 1
tive, and politically, you will catch a cold. Once your nose is stuffed up.
can't sense what climate prevails at 4 certain time. Today Commde:
Yi™ said that one must be able to grasp a thing as soon as it is budding, Wet
something exists all around you in large numbers and you still don’t sen i
then [your nose] has become too insensitive. We must pay attention 10 5!
situations. This type of attitude of being preoccupied with office work tis
paying attention to studying problems, not paying attention to getting in
with the masses and cadres and not consulting them is very bad,

http: / /dzts


OCTOBER - DECEMBER 1955 ~ 643

(5) Certain Other Problems

Most of the questions | will talk about below have been brought up by
jother] comrades.

First, on the question of removing well-to-do middle peasants from leadership positions in the cooperatives, we must pay attention to [doing this] step
hy step and pay attention to [choosing] our method; we should pot remove
them all in one fell swoop. Although it is not suitable for the well-to-do midule peasants to be leaders, nonetheless they are laborers. We should analyze
each case Separately, looking at how they have acquitted themselves in their
work. There are some people who must be removed [from their posts} because
it really will no longer do to let them continue in these posts. But [we] must
also make it clear to the masses (for example, the members of the cooperatives) and to the well-to-do middle peasants involved that it is indeed not suitable for these people to continue to be leaders. There is also another condition, Which is that only when better people have been prepared us
replacements, only when we have trained better people to replace them, can
we remove them from their jobs, Some [of the well-to-do middle peasants]
may continue at their posts after making self-criticisms and correcting their
errors, and some can become deputy leaders or committee members.” Naturally, those who have done good work should not be on the list of those who
are to be removed [from their posts] even though they are well-to-do middle
peasants. We must not treat well-to-do middle peasants like rich peasants;
well-to-do middle peasants are not rich peasants. We must not remove them
all in one fell swoop. We must be careful in handling this problem, and we
must resolve it appropriately. Each province and locality must analyze for
itself whether the methods suggested above are feasible or not.(E)

Second, we must explain to people at the Party branches and among the masses that we are not drawing class distinctions all over again at this time when
we say that the lower-middle peasants and the upper-middle peasants are two
different strata, but rather [we are saying it] because in fact there are differences between each of the strata in terms of their either active or passive attitude toward collectivization, Moreover, there are such differences [of attitude} between individuals within any given stratum as well. For example,
(even| among the poor peasants there are some who do not want to join the
coopenitives just now. This point can be used to convince the well-to-do middle peasants; we could tell them, “Look! Even among the poor and lower-middle peasants there are some who are relatively passive, They don't want to
jon [the cooperatives]. 5o we don’t want them to join, So you well-to-do middle peasants who don’t want to join now don't have to join either.” First we
should draw [into the cooperatives} the people who are enthusiastic [about
joining}; then we should do propaganda among a second group of people so
that once they become enthusiastic they will also be drawn in; then we should
move on to do propaganda among a third group. We must [draw them in] by
stages and batches. In the future, everyone will join the cooperatives, Therefore, it doesn't mean that we are redefining the class distinctions.


644. MAO ZEDONG

Third is the question of landlords and rich peasants entering the gogn.,
tives. [See if it] can be done this way: taking the xian and the xiang a.
units [of analysis} (using the xian alone as the unit is insufficient beep
{even if} a xian is basically cooperativized it is still possible thar son -
xiang don't have cooperatives), if a xian and its xiang have been tyein)
cooperativized, that is. seventy to eighty per cent of the peasant ho rs
have joined cooperatives, then those cooperatives there that have ‘
consolidated may begin to deal with [the problem of | rich peasants @
lords, in batches and in stages, according to how they have catlitne
[themselves individually}. Those who have distinguished themselves faye
bly all along and who are honest |and| abide by the laws of the state os 7
designated members of the cooperative. Some can labor together {with
members] in the cooperatives und receive their share of the reward. bur ah
are pot fo be called members of the cooperatives; in fact, they are p ‘obutic
ary members; if they work well, then they can become [full] members of th
cooperative; this will give them a good goal to work toward. A third group,
people are temporarily not allowed to join the cooperatives; we will have te
wait until the future to discuss it again and resolve it on an individual ba
None of the landlords or rich peasants admitted to the cooperatives will
allowed to take on positions of responsibility in them.” As for you
lectuals who come from landlord or rich peasant families and 4
passed some tests and scrutiny, can they be absorbed and be given thet
sibility for work such as teaching people in the villages to become lit
some places there are very few other intellectuals, and there definit
need, so we should let them take on the work of teaching people to beco
erate under the leadership and supervision of the Party branch and.
agement Committee of the cooperative. At present, among primary
teachers there are still many such people. | don't think it is necessary (on
that young people coming from landlord and rich peasant families, whe
only seventeen or eighteen years old, and who haye graduated from senio
mary schoo! or junior middle school should not be allowed to serve even
teachers to help people become literate. We can use them to wipe out Hiter
acy, 10 euch the peasants to read. Please swdy whether this is possible Or mb
On the other hand, making them responsible for such work as bookkeeping
would be rather dangerous.(E) _
Fourth, today Iam still not going to talk ubout the conditions for {se an e up
higher-stage cooperatives and the question of the number of higher-stg
cooperatives that should be set up. On the question of the conditions [lor set
ting up higher-stage cooperatives), we are still asking everybody to study" =
ther, and next year we can talk about it again. [Then] each locality can set OP
[higher-stage cooperatives) according to their individual) situations bet
ties. In short. we can set them up whete conditions are ripe, bur where Canes
tions aire not ripe We cannot set them up. We should set up just w few WOMe
and then gradually increase their numbers,(E) .
Fitth, regarding the time for setting up cooperatives, can we give 500%

http: / /dztsgq2


OCTOBER —~ DECEMBER 1955 / 645

(hought fo not necessarily concentrating |the building of cooperatives] in the
winter and spring of each year. but also build some during the summer and
(ull? In fat, there are some places that at present are doing just that. But the
point must be made: between two waves [of construction], there must be a
period to rest and regroup; after a batch [of cooperatives) have been developed, there must be [a period to] regroup and consolidate, and then there can
we another |period of] development. This is like fighting; between two battles
there must be a period to rest and regroup, It is completely wrong not to rest
yad regroup, not to take a break, not to take a breather. In the military there
was once the view thal no rest and consolidation were needed, that we should
not [stop to] take a breath, and what was necessary was [0 press forward and
fight all the way nonstop. This is in fact impossible. People must sleep. If we
didn’t énd today’s meeting but continued it forever, everyone including
oyself would protest. Everyone has to have u big recuperation every day; they
must sleep Seven to cight hours, or at the least, five to six hours [a day]. That
doesn’t count al! the short rest and regrouping periods in the interim. To talk
ubout doing such a major thing as setting up cooperatives without [time to]
rest and regroup is to be extremely naive,

Sixth, “Run cooperatives diligently and frugally" is a very good slogan.
This was put forward by the lower levels. [We] must be exactingly economical and oppose waste_ At present there is 4 big [movement] to oppose waste in
the cities and in the countryside as well, We must promote running
households diligently and frugally, ninning cooperatives diligently and frgally, and building the country diligently and frugally. Our country must be.
first, diligent, and second, frugal; [we] must not be lazy, and [We} must not
be extravagant, Laziness leads to decay, [and] that js no good. In order to run
cooperatives diligently and frugally, we must raise labor productivity.
practice strict economy, reduce production costs, implement economic
sccounting, and fight against lavishness and waste. Raising productivity and
reducing production costs is something that all cooperatives must. do. [But] as
for economic accounting. this must come about gradually.” As the cooperatives are enlarged, it Will not do not to have economic aceointing, [so Wel
Must gradvally leam to do economic accounting,

Seventh, at this conference no one talked about the question of state farms,
This was a shoricoming. | hope thar the Rural Work Department of the Central Committee and the Ministry of Agriculture will study (he question of state
farms.” In the future, the relative importance of state farms fin agricultural
Production) will increase year by year.

Eighth, [we] must continue to oppose Han chauvinism.” Han chauvinism
ts a form of bourgeois thought. [t is casy for the Han, with so many people. to
look down on the minority nationalities and to not help them sincerely; therefore [we] must Vigerously oppose Han chauvinism. Naturally, among the
Minority nationalities, some narrow nationalism will arise, [and] this too musi
he opposed, But of these two things, the principle one, the one that must be
opposed first, is Hun chauvinism. As long as the amindes of the Han
Third is the question of landlords and nich peasants entering the
tives, [See if it] can be done this way: taking the sian and pre
units [of analysis] (using the xian alone us the unit is enn
{even if] @ xian is basically cooperativized it is still possible that se
xiang don’t have cooperatives), Ufa xian and its xiang have been b
cooperativized, that is, seventy to eighty per cent of the peasant how
have joined cooperatives, then those cooperatives there that have already by
consolidated may begin to deal with [the problem of } rich peasants w La
lords, in batches and in stages, according to how they have gequy
[themselves individually]. Those who have distinguished themselves} v9
bly all along and who are honest (and) abide by the laws of the state eg
designated members of the cooperative. Some can labor together (with
members) in the cooperatives and receive their share of the reward, batt
are not to be called members of the cooperatives; in fact, they are probation
ary members; if they work well, then they can become [full] member
cooperative; this will give them a good goal to work toward. A third group
people are temporarily not allowed to join the cooperatives; we will nif
wait until the future to discuss it again and resolve it on an individus
None of the landlords or rich peasants admitted to the cooperatives w
allowed to take on positions of responsibility in them,“ As for yo
lectuals who come from landlord or rich peasant families and ¥
passed some tests and scrutiny, can they be absorbed and be given the
sibility for work such as teaching people in the villages to becom: Lit
some places there are very few other intellectuals, and there detinsy
need, 50 we should let them take on the work of teaching people ta be on
erate under the leadership and supervision of the Party branch and the ei
agement committee of the cooperative. At present, among primary sch
teachers there are still many such people. | don’t think it is necessury 6
that young people coming from landlord and rich peasant families, w Lad
only seventeen or eighteen years old, and who have graduated from see
mary school or junior middle school should not be allowed to serve
teachers to help people become literate. We can use them to wipe out
acy,.to teach the peasants to read, Please study whether this is pessih! '
On the other hand, making them responsible for such work as bookkeep
would be rather dangerous.(E)

Fourth, today f am still not going to talk about the conditions for [settin
higher-stage cooperatives and the question of the number of hig! ;
cooperatives that should be set up. On the question of the conditions | to
ting up higher-stage cooperatives}, we are still asking everybody to suey,
ther, and next year we can ilk about it again. [Then] each locality can 5©
(higher-stage cooperatives] according to their [individual] simations ane i
ties. In short, we can set them up Where conditions are ripe, but where cons
tions are not ripe We cannot set them up. We should set up just afew ab)
and then gradually increase their numbers (E)

Fifth, regarding the time for setting up cooperatives, cay we give

http: //


OCTOBER — DECEMBER 1955 | 645

{hought to Hot Necessarily concentrating [the building of cooperatives) in the
winter and spring of each year, but also build some during the summer und
fall? In fact, there are some places that at present are doing just that. But the
point must be made: between two waves [of construction}, there must be a
period to rest and regroup; after a batch [of cooperatives} have been developed, there must be [a period to] regroup and consolidate, and then there can
he another [period of] development. This ts like fighting; between two battles
\here must be a period to rest and regroup. It is completely wrong not to rest
ynd regroup, not fo take # break, not to take a breather. In the military there
was once the view that no rest and consolidation were needed, that we should
pot [stop to} take a breath, and what was necessary was to press forward and
fight all the way nonstop, This 1s in fact impossible. People must sleep. If we
didn't end today’s meeting but continued it forever, everyone including
myself would protest. Everyone hus to have a big recuperation every day; they
must sleep seven to eight hours, or at the least, five to six hours [a day), That
doesn't count all the short rest and regrouping periods in the interim. To talk
about déing such a major thing as setting Up cooperatives without [time fo]
rest and regroup is to be extremely naive.

Sixth, “Run cooperatives diligently and frugally” is a very good slogan.
This was put forward by the lower levels. [We] must be exactingly economical and oppose waste. At present there is a big [movement] to oppose waste in
the cities and in the countryside as well. We must promote running
households diligently and frugally, running cooperatives diligently and frugally, and building the country diligently and frugally. Our country must be,
first, diligent, and second, frugal; [we] must not be lazy, and [we] must not
be extravagant. Laziness leads to decay, jand| that is no good, In order to run
cooperatives diligently and frugally, we oust raise labor productivity,
practice strict ecomomy, reduce production costs. implement economic
accounting, and fight against lavishness and waste. Raising productivity and
reducing production costs is something that all cooperatives must da, [But] as
for economic accounting, this must come about gradually “ As the coopera
tives are enlarged, it will not do not to have economic accounting, [so we]
must gradually learn to do economic accounting.

Seventh, at this conference no one talked about the question of sttte Farms.
This was a shortcoming. I hope that the Rural Work Department of the Central Committee and the Ministry of Agriculture will study the question of state
farms.” In the future, the relative importance of state farms [in agricultural
production] will increase year by year.

Eighth, [we] must continue to oppose Han chauvinism.” Han chauvinism
ts 4 form of bourgeois thought, It is easy for the Han, with so many people, to
look down on the minority nationalities and to not help them sincerely; therefore {we} must vigorously oppose Han chauvinism. Naturally, among the
Minority nationalities, Some narrow nationalism will arise, jand) this too must
be opposed. But of these two things, the principle one, the one that must be
Opposed first, is Han chauvinism, As long as the attitudes of the Hun

doc j
a
~ ; My

eS,


comnides are correct, 4s long as [they] treat the minority nationalities jp
honest and jusr way, as long as their nationalities policy and their standpes.,
on the relations among nationalities are entirely Marxist and are not bourpegs
viewpoints, that is lo say, as long as there is no Han chauvinism, the n, Toy
nationalist viewpoints among the minority nationalities will be relatively eqey
to avercome. At present there is still quite a bit of Han chauvinism [amon “Uy
Han people); for example, [it is manifested) in monopolizing the affairs [a
the minorities and not letting them do things for themselves], in not shows
respect for other peoples’ customs and habits, in considering oneself je
always in the right and looking down on others, in talking about haw §
ward [other nationalities] are, and so on. At the National Party Conf
this March, | already said that it would not do if China had no minority y ion.
wlities. China has dozens of nationalities, The places in which the minorig
nationalities reside is a vaster area than the areas where the Han reside, and
the material wealth hidden there is enormous. Tt would not do if our ny
economy did not include the economy of the minority nationalities,

Ninth, on the movement to wipe out j}literacy, I think we'd better ge
move. In some places the campaign to wipe out illiteracy has itse 7
wiped out, This is no good. In the midst of cooperativization, we must Wipe
out illiteracy. We must not wipe out the campaign to wipe out illiteracy, [The
object | is not to wipe out [the campaign] to wipe out illiteracy, but
factually) wipe out illiteracy fitself].(E) 4

Tenth, some people have asked; what do we mean by “Left” and Right devi
ations? As we have said in the past, things move in space and time, He
ure talking primarily about the time aspect]. If people are out of tou
the actual situation in their observation of the movement of things, and
[proper] time has not yet arrived but they are looking too fur ahead {and thin
the time has arrived), this is called “Left” deviation; lif they don’t Ie
ahead enough,] it’s called a Right deviation. Taking the cooperativi
movement for example, we already had, to begin with, these condition J
have already ripened — the enthusiasm of the masses, the widesp re
existence of mutual aid teams, and the leadership strength of the Party = bul
some comrades say they are still not [ripe]. The cooperativization movement.
this thing, at the present moment (not several years ago but right now) fas
already [reached the point where it] can develop in a big way, [but] they Say
that it still cannot [develop in a big way}; all this is a Right deviation, [But) if
conditions such as the level of the peasants’ consciousness and the leadership:
strength of the Party were not ripe, [and] one still said that the entire county
could be eighty per cent cooperativized within a very short period of time, that
would be a “Left” deviation. China has a couple of proverbs that say: “When
mellon is ripe it falls from the stem" and “When water comes. the ditch WHE
be formed." We should do things on the basis of specific conditions and do”
them so as to achieve our goals in a natural, rather than a forced, manne ‘
Take giving birth to a child, for example. ‘This takes nine months [of ¢! ue
bearing]; it is no good if, after seven months, a doctor presses down ane

http: / /dztsg:


VULIUBERK ~ VELEMBER v7 | 04!

forces the child out. This would be called a “Left” deviation. [But] if it has
already been nine months and the child itself wants to come out, but you don't
jet it come out, this would be called a Right deviation, In short, things move
in time; do things when the proper time has come; if you don't it would be a
Right deviation; [but] if a certain thing's time hasn't come and you try to force
ir, that would be-a “Left” deviation.

Eleventh, some people buye asked: Is there the possibility of a “Left” deviayonist error arising? Our answer is: It is utterly possible. If the leadership in
any given place — regardless of whether it is the xiang Party branch, the district {Purty] committee, the xian [Party] committee, or the [special] district
|Party} committee — does not pay attention to the level of consciousness of the
masses, [if it] does not pay attention to the situation [regarding] the development of mutual aid teams, [if it] has neither a program nor any control, or if it
dows not [establish the cooperatives] by stages and groups, but [rather] has an
exclusive fondness for quantity without regard to quality, then serious “Left”
deviationist errors will definitely occur, During a time when the masses’
enthusiasm is surging forward, with everybody demanding to join the cooperatives, we must anticipate every type of difficulty and all possible unfavorable
situations and openly explain them to the masses so that the masses can think
(the problems} over thoroughly [for themselves}. If they are not afraid, they
can go ahead with it. If they are afraid. they need not go ahead. Naturally we
don't want to scare people off.(E)

| anticipate that 1 am not scaring you off today because we have already been
meeting for so many days. At appropriate times it is necessary to put a bit of
pressure on peoples’ minds and 10 depress them a little bit lest they get too
swell-headed,

We are opposed to incessant anxiety and to innumerable taboos and prohibitions. Is it possible, then, to be utterly without anxiety? Are we going to dispense with every last taboo, every single prohibition? Of course not.(E)

[There are] necessary anxicties, anxieties that we ought to have; is there anybody who does not have anxicties? We should also have the necessary taboos
and prohibitions. How can we do without any taboos and prohibitions whaisoever? We absolutely ought to have the necessary anxieties, the necessary
taboos and prohibitions, and the iecessary pauses, intermissions, applying of
brakes, and cut-offs.

There is [also] this method: Whenever people are just about to get arrogant,
or whenever their tails are just starting to rise,” give them a new task, then
they won't become arrogant [because] they won't have time. (For example, at
Present we are advocating competition in quality; when you come next year
you must [be able] to compete in quality, [for] by that time the question of
quantity would have become secondary.) We tried out this method in the past.
After an army unit had won a victory, when 4ome of the comrades were just
discussing [this victory] with great zest with the people around them, when
their tails were raised ever So high, we assigned them the new task of fighting
a second battle, As soon as you assigned them a new task, they would have to

i


648 | MAO ZEDONG

think the problems over immediately, and they would have to do p
work. Then their strutting tails would come down and they Wouldnt
lime fo get arrogant,

Twelfth, some comrades have posed [the question) of whether orn
possible to allow the xian level to have ten per cent of the auth
with] flexibility?” For example, in talking about establishing: coog
{this would mean that they] might have ten per cent fewer or ten per Ce
|cooperatives). 1 think this suggestion can be accepted; it is a good 4
must not do things in too rigid a Way. Please give this matter further cop,
ition,

Thirteenth, will there be people who [would want to} reverse d
The people who want to reverse decisions are quite numerous. They t hink thy
the cooperatives will come to nothing and that all we have done fate te. ,
to the cooperatives) will be completely reversed in the future. They [ov ;
that we are not Marxists, but opportunists. However, as | see it, thats ri
unmistakable; this decision cannot be reversed.(E}

Fourteenth, some people have asked: what will the future trend be like’
trend is us follows; within the time period of about three icra
will] basically complete socialist industrialization and the socialist transf
mation of agriculture, of handicraft industries, and of capitalist indu:
commerce, As [see it, this is precisely the trend. However, itis possible igo:
a bit further; as I said at the previous [National] Party Conference, in
period of about fifty fo seventy-five years, that is, within the period oft wet
fifteen five-year plans, it will be possible to build [our country] into ap
ful socialist country ,(E)

Within fifty to seventy-five years many serious und complicated co
and struggles will definitely occur internationally, domestically, anda
the Party. We will definitely encounter many difficulties. In our own €
ences, we have gone through any number of conflicts, [both] anid
peuceful, [both] bloody [and] bloodless, in our lifetime. Can you s it
from now on there will be no more [such conflicts}? There definitely will be
and moreover, they will be many rather than few. Included arena Se
possibility of fizhting a world war, having atom bombs dropped on ourt
plus the appearance of Bena'’s, Gao Gung’s. Zhang Guotao’s and Chen | Din o

u's.” There are many things that are unforeseeable ut present. sk
Mantels see il, it can be affirmed that all difficulties can be overcome
i strong socialist China wall definitely emerge. Us this certain? | think i
According to Marxism it is certain. (E)

The bourgeoisie has already prepared someone to dig its grave. The g
already dug; will it not die? In discussing the trend, [we can say that] ro
speaking this is the trend. —

Fifteenth, you have had a fot of | suggestions for revising the two documen™
~ the resolution and regulations. This is very good. We will collect {hes
suggestions| and give them some thought. After the resolution has beet
passed today, it will tuke only a few days for it to be revised and made pu pic

http: / /dztsg2.


OGTOBER — DECEMBER 1955 / 49

py the Political Bureau. As for the regulations, [though,] we'll have to go a bit
slower; [we] should discuss them with the democratic personages and adopt
existative formalities, Perhaps, as with the military conscription law,” it
must fiest be discussed by the Standing Committee of the National People's
Congress, then sent to the State Council to be published, so as to seek the
opinions [of the people). Then the localities can try out [the regulations) in
ihis way for a period of time, and then next year |the regulations) will again be
submitted to the National People’s Congress for ratification. (B)

Finally, in passing f would like to say 4 little about asking you to pay attention to the problem of writing articles. | hope those present will all become
“fanguage teachers.” The articles you have written have been written quite
well, with perhaps the exception of u few shortcomings. You must pay attention to helping others to improve the writing style in their essays. At present
yome of four} comrades® essays are still full of empty phrases, bur [such
essays] are relatively few; the more important shortcoming is the prevalence
of the classical style in writing and the excess of a semiclassical, semivernacujar flavor [to it}. [When] writing an article one must give emphasis to [its]
logic; one must pay attention to the structure of the article or the speech as a
whole. The beginning, the middle, und the end must be linked; there must be
an intemal connection, and [the different parts) must not be mutually
conflicting, You must also pay attention to grammar and syntax. Many comrades leave out subjects and objects that should not be left out, or [they] use
adverbs. in place of verbs or even leave out verbs completely. All of this is
ungrammiatical. [You] must also pay attention to rhetoric [and] ways in which
(the article} could be written a bit more vividly. In all, [writing] logically,
grammatically, and with better rhetoric, these are the three things [ask you to
pay attention te when you are wriling articles.

Notes

1, See Tesi June 15, 1953. note

2. Mao is referring to the land reform program (see teat Feb, 18, 1951, note 2) which becarne
the basts (ow the class struvgle in the countryside in China and for the program to forge an alliance
belween the workers and peasants nationwide in scope While it returned the ownership of the
land 1 the peasants, however, il did so on ab individual basis, Conyequently, because of the
Rreater accessibility of rich peasunts ty agriculuiral means of production and better position in the
trban-rural exchange, for mstunce, they confimved to huve an Inbercnt advantage over poor peaeany (see lext Mar. 12, 1950, note 1), Moreover, individual production and cachange limited the
Possthilities for ayriculueal mechanization and this for increasing agricultural production and. jn
(urn, intensifying the worker-peasant alliance. Only by owving beyond the bugecois-democratic
land reform into cooperuivization, Mue argued, could the gains of the poor peasants and the
worker-peasant alliance be consolidated,

4. See teat Jan. 17, 1951. note 1.

4 See tect July 31, 1955, note 24.

$_ A bret transcript of Zhou Enlai's apecch wi itis plenum can be found mm XHYR (Oct 16,
1955)

6.°V. L Lenin, “The Tas in Kind! *" (SW V. pp. 235). Tite ie publiehed as On the Groin
Tox,” in The Collected Works of V. 1. Lenin, See also text 1960 Reading Notes, tote 244.
7, See voxt Aug. 12, 1953, note 14. i
S. See text July 9, 1953_

9 The Political Report of the Eighth National Party Conyress stated that within
the socialist market and subject to the guidance of the state, free markets should
permitted to exist (see Y. Lau [1977], p. S80); ihis includes a definition of "' free
the leadership of the state."”

Free markets basically took the form of markets in which peasants sold goxxts 10 othe
orto Urban resistents outside of the state purchase and marketing systern. pram :
free market were frequently higher than those paid by the state, free markets had @ fefdeme,
reduce the supply of goods availible for state purchase, Hence free markets have been fix
attacked as capitalist practices. Here Mao seems to be referring to the possible emerger
phenomenon iy the jadustrial sector,

10. Here the Xuan/i Version hax omitted the follawing’ “.. because ihe bourpsots At
eliminated. In the future several million bourgeoisie will enter the ranks of the profeterigt
Wansui (1969), p. 14,

Uf, See text June 6, 1950

12. See text Nov. 1951-Mar. 1952, source note.

13, This ts simitar to the “General Line of the Party” (text Sept. 25, 1955), The
the term used to deseribe this “line” In the 1954 Constitution of the PRO

14, The Wansul (1969) version (p. 14) here bas “within the next twelve years” arid,
“Byery year we can produce from 18 to 20 million tons of steel; about 73 billion ki
of electricity, about 280 million tons of raw coal; about 18 rniltion tone of ©
about 60,000 metal cutting lathes; 183,000 tractors (cquivalent to 15 hottepe -

208,000 motor vehicles; about 16,8 million tons of cement; about 7.5 million tans 0 cher

fertiliter. (These levels correspond tw the [produiction) levels of the Soviet Union itr 140); gg
ing of tractors alone, the output will be about the same as the Soviet Unian’s tn 1954,

duction will reach 600 billion canties, an increase of 100 per cent; more than Six ii

cotton, af increase of more than 100 per cent (all compared with 1952 yields), By.

number of tractors Will reach 6€0),000 and the total acreage under mechanired cultivate

61 per cen) of the total farmland. With another (wo five-year plans, when we will ec ovple
the technological transformation of agriculture, the acreage tinder cultivation will be 100 pe
clopia ites .cperemriemmtssharmek healt ial ilcg Ay le
such a period oF not? Our commdes in the Ministry of Foreugn Affairs, in the al Lie
Department, and in the military must strive hand for it before we can pet if," a
1S, Here, the Wianrui (1969) version (p. 15) reads "five years”’ instead of “fifteen year
16, See texts Sept. 16-18, 1953, Oct. 1954(1), et. 195402), and Oct. 16, 1954,

17, See text June 14, 1954, note 14.

18. This tatter region refers to the Yi minority. people’s wutonomous region in
Sichuan.

19. ‘These sis issues basically crwrespond to the fist in Wand (1908), although the Wi anes
cussicm is only a total of nine lines long, Xuanji, V also drops Mao's affirmation that cooperdinys
ati be started in places where the people do nut have a high level of literacy and culnupal devenn
a Es NSLS esa ne tee .
stated without carts, oxen, or the participaiion of middle peasunis

20 This paragraph omits Mao's suggestion for dissalving bostus cooperatives which bad Be
sct up by nich peesants that appears in Ward (1969), p, 18. ‘ ael
21, On the Rural Work Department's opposition te cooperalivitalion, 26e text Dec 6.1 s
nade 1, and the latter part of this document itself.

22. See text July 31, 1955. section 9

23. Here the Wane (1969) version says “six billion.”

24. See text Get. 15, 1953, note 2.

25. The Resolution on the Developmen of Agncultural Producers’ Cooperatives (AP
adopted by the Central Committee on December 16, 1953, stipaluied tree forme of agredl®

hittp:/
ooperativization, of which the supply and marketing cooperative is one, It performs an auaitiary
function in supperting the mutual nid teams and APC and is a commercial organization providing
_ooperatives and their members with production materials and daily necessities that they do not
inemselves produce The operations of these cooperatives are regulated by the “Regulations of
the All-China Federation of Supply and Marketing Cooperatives,”* adopeed by the First Congress

of the ANI-China Federation of Cooperatives on July 25, 1954. See text Oct, 15, 1953, note 15.

26. These refer to the savings and flown organizations that were established by peasants responsi~
hie for the management of funds owned by individuals and that were not part of the collective's
junds. This allowed people with surplus funds to obtain interest throdgh low-interest foans to
‘ther needful individuals and collectives. Their operation began in 1951, but became obsolere by
1957, when agricultural coyperativization reached a much tigher level than in 1953, (See the
‘Draft Regulation of Rural Credit Coopensives™ in Jinrony fagul hdibian (Compendium of
Regulations reganting Finance and Fiscal Management], 1999-1952.)

27. See text Dec, 6, 1955, pote 4.

28. This refers to the Communist Youth League See text Feb. 18, 1951, wote 8, text Jime 30,
}953, source nete, und teat Sept, 7, 1955, source mate.

29. In this pamugraph Mao is ubviously referrmg to plans that were then being drafted and some
of which Were described in the book Zionggue nongcun de thehui zhntvé edachie (Upsurge of
Socialism in China's Countryskie); the comments that Mao wrote for some of these plans thus
subsequently published are presented as text Dec, 27, 1955 (2),

40), For Mao". philosophy of advancing in 4 wave-like pattern, s¢¢ text Apr 1959, note |.

31, Here the Warnswi (1969) version (p. 18) omits the word “spring.”

32. Accorting to Ciyw fiunshi (pp. 43-44), when collectivization (i.¢., the nationwide estahjiwhmnent of collective farms) took pluce in the Suviet Union a 1929-30, many CPSU cadres al the
jocal levels violated the principle of “voluntarism” and the directive of the CPSU center thut only
Ihe basic means of praduction, oot including farmhouses and small livestock, were to be turned
over td collective ownership. In response to the “forced collectivization™ and in fear of losing
their poultry and small livestock, (he peasants of the Soviet Union began to kill off the livestock
thermselves, According to (his information, there were only 27 ntillion horses in the Soviet Union
in 1931, as compared with 32.1 million in 1928, Le, befire collectivization = (a decrease of 16
per cent), The reduction in other arcas were ever) more remarkable: Cattle (fro 60.1 million
t 42.5 million, 29 per cent); pigs (22 million to 11,7 million, 47 per cent), sheep (107 million to
OX. | million, 36 per cent).

33. Here the Wanna (1969) version Includes Iwo paragraphs that were omitted from Xwanji. V,
dealing with bow to avoid the slaughter of cattle and on the need «© uyoid problems in (he next
live months in order to allow the longer plan ie succeed.

M_ Mao is referring to the dogan “dissect a sparrow,” which ts art applied theory and a work
inethod 1 acquire knowledge and sam up experiences. Instead of atempting to generalize about a
vast Humber of repetitions of a phenomence, this work method advocates the in-depth anulysis
thorough study and invest pation of a prototype, and 4 summing-up experience through euch anal -
ysis, The slogan is derived from the common saying, “while a sparrow is small. it contains all che
vaal organs.” The origin of the saying cannot be traced,

35, These reports would become the hasis of the book Zhongguo nongcun de shehut shuys gaechav; see note 29,

4h. Mao uses here a common saying, chow you fie gue, used first by Sima Qian in Shi jf (Historical Records), describing Confucius” travels throughout many of the states during the
late Spring and Autumn period (ie., cw 500 B.C.) In search of a ruler who would hire
lum and apply his teachings w the ruling of trs principality. "This practice was spontaneously
adopled by many of Confucius’ contemporaries who were philesophers and/or political stnite~
Kists, and by those Of the ensuing generation through the “Warring States period” (475-221
B.C)

37. See text Aug. 12, 1993. note 23, and text Mar 3), 1955, note 7-

38. Al Q chengzhuan (The True Story of Ah Q) isa noveleme writer by Lu Xun and collected
in the anthology Ni fer (Clamor). In this story, the son of a prominent villager, educated in

doc


652 {| MAO ZEDONG

Japan. returns with affectalions of Western manneriséns and dress styles. Liv Xin give .
sobriquet fit yang: guict (the fake foreign devil). When the revahition arrives, the uppoes :
“fake foreign devil” assumes the airs of a revolutionary. This impresses AK Q, the vip
Fant. who then “negotiales” wilh “the fake foreign devil” to join the revolution, but ig g bee
out of his residence by the Later “The fake forign devil” later organizes & looting. ™
cuphemistically called « revolutionary movement. Ab (Q ix barred from this, hut in ay wy 2
Impress others, he imagines and boasts of being a participant of the “revolution.” As a ned,
Hance he had no alibi, Ah Q is later arrested and executed for w crime he did not Commis, ve
text Apr. 25, 1956, mene 42,
IY, Shesitrie chur (Water Margin) ts a Ming dynasy novel, written by Shi Naien, ate so
of “Robin Hood” type sacial bandiis 1 ihe Southem Song dynasty. The Whlterohel eee
Wang Lun was orginally the chief of the Liangshanbo zany. He was, however, @ vg :
Ininded leader and did not readily take in neweomers, When Chao Gai and Wu :
Intendons to jin his gang. he refuses them and, in un ensuing fight, ts killed by Lin hy
then sets Chao up as the new beader
40. Chen Guang was the deputy commander of the 15 Division of the Eighth Route
ing the War of Resistance against Japan He was doing political work in the after |
and after Liberation, became the depeity commander of the Guangdong Militery: Lewic
commander of the Guangzhou Garrison if the PLA, He later became a member of the fins
People’s Provisional Government and remained in the position until 1955, fy Petry
being implicated for fits association with Gao Gang in the Gao-Rao affair, he Was rer
Office. For more biographical information on Chen, see Zhonegong remminy ti, pp. 5
41. Dai Jiying became a member of the Communist Youth League in 1926 and me at sh
CPC in the follewing year. Ip 1952, he was a member af ihe Henan provincial PETITES «
CPC and the secrewry of the Kaifeng CPC municipal committer. He was tater
obstructing the "Three-Anti's” muvement in Kaifeng und was removed from his posite
responsibility: =
42, Deng Zihui has been a member of the CPC since 1926. From July 1993 iy September 148
he was director of the Rural Work Department of the Centre! Committee of the CPC. In Ap
1959 he became a vice-premier of the Susie Council, and later in that year he headed the!
Agriculture and Forestry under the State Council. In October 1959 he resumed his p
head of the Rural Work Department of the Central Committee, Mao's critician of Dew
Rural Work Department became more severe in the Jast two months of 1955, See te

43. Sce texts Oct. 15. 1953, note 9. Here the Warsui (1969) version (jp. 21) merely: saya tei
the “four big freedoms” and “the consolidation of the New Democratic order” were the progul
of the bourgeoisie, and does not link theny io Dene Zihul, r.

44, The Second Plenum of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC was held at vibait
Hebei tn March 1949. See text June 6, 19502), note 1 The decision wax made to effect
sition of the revolution from the countryside to the urban areas, and certain policies 1
ihe capitalists Were discusted. See K Leeberthal (1976), pp. 49-50. re,

45. See text Aug. 12, 1953, nore 14. For the manner in which this policy, whict dp 10 th .
had been targely aimed against the urban capitalists, was made to include the rich peasants, '
fext 1960 Reading Notes, nite 24%. i >
46, °V. 1 Lenin, op. cit.” (SW, V, p. 234), As noted in note 6. this ut published under the Ms
“On the Grain Taa,”” in Lenin, Collected Works, The reference to Lenin does not appeat a *
Wiersui (1969) version,

47, See text July 31, 1955, nove 7
48. Mao is referring to the Draft Resolisions of the CPC Central Committee on mutual ai -
cooperativization in agricultural production, &sued on December 15, 195), and cine ~ .
Party branches at all bevels to be carried out on an experimental baxts, and finally enacted. ate
Resolution an February 15, 1953, See SW, Vp, 7), arid T Cher (1987), pp. 218-221, for te

___ http://dztsg2
(0) Mao is bere using an aphorisms, yur bu ji yi, hae xing xiaw wel, derived from the book Wei
Ling wemng i Lunt yw (Confucius’ Analects), See text Nov. 4, 1953. note 4. for more detailed
explanations,

50. Mae ts using the vulgar descriptions of forms of veriting in China, fo the third roillenia
iC.. W the Shang dynasty, the ancient Chinese used tortoise shells and animal bones for purposes Of divination and reconded the significance Of the oracte on these shells ancl tones. This 1s
enowe as fiagu Wer, oF shell und bone writing, and is the earliest form of writing discovered in
China so far. Toward the end of the Shang dynasty the Chinese had begun to se bronze utensils,
and they carved writing on bronze instruments and vessels. This is known as jin wen (metal writing) and alsa as chongdine wer (bell and vessel writing) This became the prevalent form af preserving written records of events in the Zhou dynasty. Later, during the Warring States period,
the Chinese began W carve writings on stabs of stone, and, When China was united under the Qin
dynasty, the Qin monarch recorded his own explakis an monolithic monuments in many places
(hroughout bis empire. The shike wen (stone carving weiting), as it came to be known, became
very common in the Han dynasties. Together, these three forms of writing constitute the mast
important source af information for the archaenligical and anthropological study of ancient
China,

Si. See text Mur, 19, 1953, mote |, tend text Max. 21, 1955, pote 7.

52. This refers to the tendency among some CPC cadres to regand departments and areas of
work placed n their charge as their own personal spheres of influence and to manage work within
iheat areas in their own interests, as individuals or as cliques, resisting the leadership of the Cenict. This ts considered to be an ucute development of the phenomenon of departmentatism. In the
period since the establishment of the PRC in 1494, the most famous incidence of this
phenomenon was when Gao Gang (sec text Mar, 31, 1955, note 15) administered the affasrs of
Northeast China, which had been placed uniler his leadership. in this fashion. The term, huwever,
docs not necessarily reler to a geographical area, but can apply to administrative divisions as
weil, Durning the Cultural Revolution period, Liv Shaogi and his group were also later repeatedly
accused by Mao of creating independent kingdoms, Sce also text Apr. 1956, now 16.

53. ‘This is an act from an old Beijing opera, Hong song lie ma (The Red-maned Stallion),
which tells a story set in the Tang dynasty, The dauphter of the pritwe minisier. Wan Yun, balks
at her father’s wishes and marries w poor man, Xue Pinggii, who later joins the army and,
through 4 strange twist of fate, marries the princess of the state of Western Liang. Nuc eventually
raises an army against the Tang, captures the Tang capital Changan, declares himself emperor,
and wreaks Vengeance, with redoubled vindictiveness and arrogance, on his erstwhile detractors.

S4. Chen ¥i (1900-1972) became a member of the Communist Party soon after his sojourn in
France (1919-1921) a5 a participant of the Work-study movement. He was deported from France
in 1924. He participated in the Nanchang Uprising in 1927, and then was CPC provincial secre»
lary of Jiangsi in the Jianxl Sovict period. When Mao and Zhao De embarked on the Long March,
Chen) remained behind in the Central Soviet. During the War of Resistance he commanded the
First Division of the New Fourth Army. in the War of Liberation, be communded the Third Feld
Army. After Liberation, he was primarily active in the area of foreign affairs, in Feb. 1958, be
replaced Zhou Enlai as niinister of Foreign Affairs, and jp Mar. 1958, he alec assumed the post
tion af the director of the Foreign Affairs Office of the State Council, thus making hin nominally
the number one officer in the area of foreign policy, although in reality Zhou Enlai, as premier.
“ll held the reins of policy Zhou and Chen worked well together and shured a friendstiigy that
Went back to the time when they were both in France, Chen was criticized during the Cultural
Revolution. For more biographical information on Chen, see D, Kleiq and A, Clark, eds. (1971),
Lo pp. 104-113,

55, This sentence does not appear in Warne (1964)

S56. Wansui (1969), p. 22, says, “for three to five years. In his July 31, 1955, ralk “On Agn-
Cultural Cooperativization,” Mao had called for excluding landlords and rich peasants from the
couperatives. [n line with this, the “Model Regulation for the Development of APCs” adopted
by the Standing Committee of the NPC on Noventher 4, 1955, stated thal “during the first few
years. ihe APC shall not accept former landlords and nich peasants as members.” In his December

oc KARA BE


654 | MAO ZEDONG

21, 1955, “Circular Requesting Opinions on the Seventeen Artictes on Agricultura) ork ae
called on cadres to study bath approaches to the problem, By Jarumary 1956, the sevente ‘ool
had become forty and were adopted on January 23 by the Political Bureau as the “Dngfy x
Program for Agricultural Development (1956-1967) ."" Point Four of the Draft Prowrary o: arr
“dunng 1956 attempts should he nade to settle the question of adaviiting to the cooperate "4
mer landlonds and rich peasants who have given up exploitation and have asked te anie :
reflecting the ongoing struggle over this issue. The "Mode! Regulations for aq rs
(highet-stage} APC,” adopted on June 30, 1956, revited the position and permitied former jan
lords and rich peasants fo join as members. =
57. Man is pot referring to an already popularized slogan, but rather to an tea 1 it at
shortly be brought to the forefront in the articles in Upsurge of Socialism (x China's Ci ‘Peat
(text Sept. 25, 1955, and texts Dee. 27, 1955] 1] and [2]). The second articte in naive
this slogan as its title, and Mao's conunentary on this article appears as no, 28 of th
notes in SW, V, p. 267. See text Deo, 27, 1955(2), note 7 ‘
58. The economic accounting system is a sysitm adoywed in the PRC in assessing the lie
an caterprise tm which the unit cost of product, the unit price, the manaperial costs df the pl
and the circulation of funds for the development of proctuction are connected in an intewrnaa
accounting mairix. Its purpose is “to obtain maximum economic results through the condi

ing, + and analyzing of labor consumption and disbursement inf pr tle
(See HQ. 12 ]1962}, 28; 2 [1959], 5-8,) For a discassion of the sarupgle over the method eer

Homic scccnnting, see S. Andors (1977), pp. 101-103, 108-113, 217-218, and passim.

59. See text Mar 19, 1953, note 4,
60. See toxt Mar. 16, 1953, source note. ’
61. This aphorism, yua shu tile, from the Song dynasty book Yunit giyian (Sever On tn
the Cloud Chest), denotes that things will take place according tw the ries of nuttire aid da fy
require premeditation of buman intervention. bad
62, This saving. shui dao qucheng (literally. when the water arrives the Channel will be fo med
has the same meaning as that in the preceding note. The aphorisen is derived from a poet by!

Song dynasty poet Fan Chengda,

63, See text June 14, 1954, now 13,

C4. The Wonsal (1969) version ip, 24), here has “ninety per cent.” a
65. The term here, fam an, translates 2s reversing of verdicts, in # judicial senwe, and erally
tefery to changing verdicts ur decisions that have already been made, In the CPC il is of sseal
refer to the reversal uf decisions on individuals’ standing in the Party, especially wher Fa y fi
have shifted

66, See texts Mar, 21, 1955, and Mar, 31, 1955. .
67. See text Mar. 31, 1955, note 7. and text Aug. 12, 1953, note 23. for information 6 ome

Rao, Chen. and Zhang. Lavrenti Pavlovich Beria (1899-1953), becume vice-chairman dain

Council of Ministers of the USSR in 1941, He waey 4 member of the Political Nureau of the Ci .

muni Purty of the Soviet Union (CPSU) from 1939 onward and a metber of the F rand

the Supreme Soviet from 1952 1 1953. He was minister of Internal Affaire of the Soviet Uf
from March 1953 (i.e. after Stalin's death) to his own purge from the CPSU in July: oe

December of that year he was sentenced (0 death, a
64, These refer jo the “Resolution on Agriculinral Copperativization." adopted on the day 1

speech was given (October ||, 1955) by the plenum of the Central Committee, and #0 the jane

Regulations for the Development of Agricultural Producers’ Cooperatives,” adopled byt

Standing Committee of the NPC on November 9, 1955. 4
69. The Report on the Draft of the National Military Conscription Law was submitted (0 tie

Second Session of the First NPC on July 16. 1955, try Peng Dehuai. The bw itself was appre

by the Congress and promulgated on July 20-

y
.

onl

http: //dztsg2
A Speech at the Enlarged Sixth Plenum
of the Seventh Central Committee

[October 11, 1955]!

Source: Wansui (1969), pp, 12-25. Available English Translations: JPRS,
Miscellany, 1, pp. 14-26; Issues and Studies, X:7 (April 1974), 103-111.

This is the other version of Mao's concluding speech to the Sixth Plenum of the Seventh
Central Committee. See source note of preceding text in this volume for an explanation.

None of the annotations and explanations of terms done for the preceding text will be
duplicated here. The reader is advised to use the two translated texts here together and

comparanvely.

I. This meeting has covered a very wide range [of issues]. It has been a great
debate.

This meeting has resolved many problems and has been a very great debate.
It has been a great debate over whether the general line of the Party during the
period of transition is entirely correct or not. [t was the question of the orientation of agricultural cooperativization that touched off this great debate
throughout the entire Party involving a very wide range Jof issues] — heavy
industry, light industry, fiscal matters, finance, trade, communications, culjure and education, health, science, suppression of counterrevolutionaries,
transformation of the handicraft industries, transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, the Party, the League, trade unions, youth, women, internal affairs, the military, etc. Such a great debate was warranted. No debate of
ihis sort had developed after the promulgation of the general line. We should
extend this debate so that it be carried out among the comrades of the [Party]
branches in the countryside, We should also extend it so that it can be carried
out among the members of the [Party] branches in the cities, so that the tempo
and quality in all areas of work will conform with the tasks prescribed by the
veneral line. There should be comprehensive planning in all fields of work.

We will take about three five-year plans to complete the socialist transformation of agriculture. Within the same period, the socialist transformation of
capitalist industry and commerce will also be completed, By then, it will be
Possible for the alliance between industry and agriculture, and between the
workers and the peasants, to be consolidated on a new, socialist basis; only
then can the ties between the peasants and the bourgeoisie be completely
severed: only then can the bourgeoisie be completely isolated; and only then


656 / MAQ ZEDONG

can the sources of capitalism be ultimately rooted out and eliminated » ve
vast expanse of territory of the countryside. y
Al present, we have not yet completed agricultural cooperativizareys,
the workers and the peasants have not yet formed a solid allianes. The
er-peasant alliance thal was established in the past on the basis of land ¢
ts currently in a state of instability. The peasants are no longer conten
the gains they have made from the land reform. Some of them
forgotten [such gains). We have not yet given the peasants new
new benefit is simply socialism). The peasants have not yet achiaaal
ity together {with everybody else}. Grain und raw material for indu
not yet become plentiful; [therefore] the bourgeoisie is going to find pe
to attack us.
A few years from now, we will see a new situation. The worker 3
peasants will form a more solid alliance on a new basis. The worke pensant
alliance of the past, which was formed on the basis of land reform, was jem
porary und also unstable. Without changing the relations of production jy ‘the
countryside, it would be impossible to enhance the agricultural forces of px
duction; nor would it be possible to enable the peasants to attain o les at
prosperity. The classes would become polarized. Neither the poor nor the rich
would have faith in us, and we would be unable to consolidate the Wor He
peasant alliance. [But as it is,| after a number of years, the landlords and th
rich peasants will also gain faith in us. As all the peasants get rich ;
year and commodity grain increases, an entirely new situation will emer
und the bourgeoisie will be gagged.
We now have two alliances; one is the alliance with the peasants; another
the alliance with the bourgeoisie, Bel ol Banioes at MOCreAa Ea COM
dition of China's economic backwardness. Our alliance with the b [
{in Which) we utilize and restrict [their capital) without onan
lime being, is for the purpose of obtaining from them manufactured ge
4s 10 amply provide for the needs of the peasants. Just like us, the pe
must cat and be clothed, With regard to many things (manufactured 26
is NOL enough to give them coupons only; they would still hide their gi
not sell it. We are using our alliance with the bourgeoisie to deal
peasants’ mentality of being reluctant (o sell [grain]. ACthe same time, ¥
using our alliance with the peasants to obtain grain and industrial raw
nals, so as fo gain control over the bourgeoisie. {We} want them to ha
manufactured goods and be transformed. If you don't hand over mantifac
goods. we won't give you the grain and industrial raw materials. In this
economically we have curbed the bourgeoisie from organizing free nt
and politically we have isolated the bourgeoisie. Without this, they
admit defeat. This is the mutual relationship between the two transfon
Of the two alliances, the alliance with the peasants is a basic and pet Y
one, while the alliance with the bourgeoisie is temporary, This is bec wise |
bourgeoisie is going to be eliminated, In the futare, the proletarian
be joined by several million people from the bourgeoisie. Neverthelear

—
ou
,
«truggle against the bourgeois ideology is a long-term one, Land refonn was 4
democratic revolution that was bourgeois in nature. It broke up the system of
(cudal ownership but did not break up the system of capitalist ownership or
ihe system of individual ownership, It enabled the peasants to acquire [their
portion of] land, enabled the workers and the peasants to form an alliance on
ihe basis of the democratic revolution, and caused the bourgenisic to feel isojated for the first time. In 1950, at the Third Plenum of the [Seventh] Central
Committee, it Was pointed oul that We should not attack on all sides before
lund reform was completed,’ Only after the land reform had been completed,
and with the peasants leaning toward our side, were we able to launch the
“Three-Anti’s” and the “Pive-Anti's” [campaigns]. With the completion of
agricultural cooperativization, the worker-peasant alliance will be finally consolidated on the basis of socialism. This new worker-peasant alliance will ultimately isolate the bourgeoisie and bring about the extinction of capitalism
wmong the 600 million people of China, Some people are saying that we are
oo heartless, We would say that toward the bourgeoisie, a Marxist does not
jave much of a conscience. In this connection, it is better for us to be heartless. Some of ot comrades are too kind, We want to bring about the extincion of capitalism on earth, and make the bourgeoisie a thing of the past, This
is a very meaningful and a very good thing. Anything that occurs in history is
bound to be eliminated. Capitalism is also bound to be eliminated.

‘The current international environment is favorable to the completion of our
overall tasks in the period of transition, In another twelve years, we will be
able to have basically completed the building of socialism. We will be able to
wnnually produce 18 to 20 million tons of steel, generate about 73 billion kilo-
Watt hours of electricity, produce 280 million fons of raw coal, about 18 million tons of crude oil, about 60,000 metal-cutting lathes, 183,000 tractors
(equivalent to 15 horsepower each), 208,000 motor vehicles, about 16.8 million tons of cement, about 7.5 million tons of chemical fertilizers. (These levtls correspond to the production} levels of the Soviet Union in 1940. For tractors alone, the output will be about the same as that of the Soviet Union in
1954.) Grain production will reach 600 billion catties — an increase of 100 per
cent; and [we will produce] over 6 million tons of cotton ~ an increase in
eacess of 100 per cent (all compared with 1952 yields). [By then] the total
number of tractors will reach 600,000 and the total acreage under mechanized
Cultivation will be 61 per cent [of the total farmland). With two more five-year
Plans, when we will have completed the technological transformation of agri-
Culture, the acreage under mechanical cultivation will be 100 per cent [of the
futal). To accomplish these tasks, we need a period of peaceful construction.
Can we get such a period or not? Our comrades in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, in the International Lisison Department, and in the military must
Strive hard for it before we can get it.

During the current five-year [plan], the class struggle both at home and

is very acute. We have already won a very, very big victory in this
struggle. dnd we will guin even more and greater achievements. During the
past few years, we have scored victories in four areas: in the appr
idealism and in the propagation of materialism, in the SUPPression of oy
revolutionaries, in the [state] unified purchasing and marketing Of pr
in the cooperativization of agriculture, Our victories in these fonicien
have an antibourgeois nature, and have dealt very severe blows 0 the be
geoisie. Inthe future, we will continue to deal crushing blows to they
sition to idealism must be continued on a long-term basis. [We wi "
oughly suppress idealism and build up the ranks of Marxist mates
three five-year plans, This year und next, we will be carrying our the he
sion of counterrevolutionaries among 11 to 12 million people. The
revolutionary elements are not [easily] visible, but they will be ident
investigations are made. Counterrevolutionary elements have been uney
io both the Organization Department of the Central Committee and the Mj
try of Public Security at the Center. Among the 2,2 million p
investigation] in the entire country, 110,000 weary ie
have been uncovered, and there are in addition 50,000 major st
rooting out the counterrevolutionaries. it is necessary to observe st
criteria. [We] must get at the real ones, so missing a few will be un
(for example. in the rectification [campaiga| during the Yanan period
out Pan Hannian’ and Liu Xueying),* but we should not leave out fo
On the issue of grain, we have scored a big victory. On the issue 0)
tural cooperativization, too, we have scored a victory, On uae touts
we have launched an even greater strugele against the bourg
dealt it a blow, causing it to be unable to rear its head; we haves :
ative; if We had not done so we would have been put on the de
Il. This meeting has broken down many erroneous views and $i
number of superstitions.
Many speeches made at this meeting have smashed a lot of super
have broken down many erroneous views.
First of all, should there be a big development or a small develop:
[meeting] has resolved this question. The masses ask for a big ¢
In order to be in step with industry, the agricultural sector also demands
development. To advocate a small development is a mistake. =
Can the new [liberated] areas be developed? The new areas can ase
developed.

Can mountainous areas be developed? Moumtainous areas can also be de’

Can disaster areas be developed? Disaster areas can also be dev ee
Can backward rural areas be developed? Backward rural areas can HY
developed.
Can areas occupied by minority nationalities be developed? Except {0 rT tyes
and the Daliang and Xiaoliang mountains, areas occupied by minority 1

alities can ulso be developed.
Can we set up cooperatives without funds? Yes, we can. d
Can we set up cooperatives. without educated [people}? Yes, we C80

http://dztsg2


OCTOBER — DECEMBER 4955 | 654

Can We set up cooperatives with only a few cadres? Yes, we can.

In the past, some people said; “It is ¢asy to construct but difficult to consolidate.” Construction is not necessarily very easy, and consolidation is not necessarily difficult. If you talk about difficulty, maybe it is somewhat difficult; if
you Say it's easy, everything is easy in some ways, Why do they choose to say
that “consolidation ts difficult?” It simply means they don’t want to set up

|The opinion] that a cooperative cannot be set up without machinery is also
not being aired much now.

As for bad cooperatives, third-class, fourth-class, and fifth-class cooperalives,’ apart from dissolving them, what roads are open to us? Except for particular cooperatives that simply have to be dissolved and fake cooperatives
that have been set up by the rich peasants, in which cases it is all right for
them 10 be dissolved. the others need not be dissolved. They can be nin well
after an overhauling,

The Rural Work Department of the Central Committee does not merely
produce rumors, It also produces rationalizations. Some people have said; “If
we don't dismount quickly, we will break up the worker-peasanit alliance.”
We will dispute only one word in this sentence. We say: “If we don’t mount
the horse quickly, we will break up the worker-peasant alliance,”

Part of the “blame” for the death of draft oxen must be shouldered by the
cooperatives, but the major cause does not lic with them. The reason that
{draft} oxen have died has to do with the question of grain, the question of the
price of oxhide, the question of the old age of the oxen. and the question of
flood and drought.

There was tension in the countryside this spring, Some people said that it
stemmed from organizing so many cooperatives. This is not the way to. put
things in the first place. It was mainly owing to the clamoring of the landlords
and the rich peasants, and the clamoring of the well-to-do (middle) peasants,
They rushed to buy grain even though they were not short of grain. In part, it
Was caused by the grain problem, but in part it was just a false appearance, It
wits not bad to have some clamoring. | As a result, we got to the bottom of the
tain problem, Last year, there was a decrease in output owing to [natural]
calamity. and we purchased 6 billion catties in excess of the necessary
amount.” This year there was an increase in output of 20 billion catties, and
we purchased six billion catties less [than last year]. Therefore, in terms of the
Peasants’ | share], there will be an increase of 26 billion catties of grain.

The argument that “the superiority of the cooperative can last for only three
years” is also pessimistic. The Soviet Union has been working on socialism
for several decades; it still has superiority, As I see it, the superiority of
Socialism will certainly last at least several decades. After several decades,
When socialism Joses its superiority, we will be working on communism.

In the next few years, should we organize some higher-stage cooperatives?
We should. As for how many should be organized, let each locality deliberate


660 | MAO ZEDONG

Cooperatives can also be set up among [those who work on} junks pps
mal-drawn carts. We should get the several million laborers [in thee te.
organized.
il. Comprehensive planning and the strengthening of sep

There should be comprehensive planning. In my essays f talked ab
ning for the cooperatives. Apart from this, there should be over
planning for agricultural production, ([tuking also into considerutic
occupations, handicrafts, diverse economic undertakings, land pec!
migration of people over short distances, afforestation of the mox
areas [the barren mountains in northern China, in particular, need to be apy
ested; both Beidaihe and Xiangshan? are rocky mountains, and event vo
can be afforested), supply and marketing cooperatives, credit coope ati
and technology dissemination stations); [beyond this,] there should afer
planning in [the work of] culture and education (including current affwies
elimination of illiteracy, primary education, traditional Chinese medicis
open, film projection, radio, and publishing), in the rectification and build
of the Party, in the rectification and building of the [Youth] Leugue, j
Suppression Of counterrevolutionaries (the talk given by the 5 sretity ef
Jiangjin (special) district (Party) commitice in Sichuan js worl a
work among women (without women, there would be no pen
born of women; 10 neglect Women is to oppose motherhood, and 1
motherhood is to be unfilial), and in youth work.

Every cooperative should have its own plan. Every xiang should havea i nla
for the entire xiang. Throughout the country there should be 220,000 sia -
plans. Some people say that we don’t need planning for the districts. 1)
it's better for them to have one, otherwise they won't have any respor
Each xian should have a plan for the entire xian. Each oxovisior i
work out one or (wo xiang and xian plans and then circulate ub
every place follow their example.

The speed of development: according to the opinion of you peoples thi ve
three types of areas. One type [consists of] the majority of the areas: at
type is made up of one part of the smaller portion of the areas, and the a
type is made up of the other par of the smaller portion of the 4

1. [In] the majority of areas, there will be three waves in the three W
spring periods of 1956, 1957, and 1958. Before one wave
wave will rise. There will be a trough between two waves, [just as] a
valley between two mountains. There should be an interval. By 1958, of seo
socialist cooperativization is to be basically accomplished. .

2. [In] one part of the smailer portion of the areas (in North China, # i
Northeast, and in the suburban areas), there will be two waves, ence Ac
two Winter-spring periods of 1956 and 1957. In some purticular arcu; ™

also permissible to basically accomplish semisocialist cooperativizallion ™
only one wave, that is, in one winter-spring period. ft

3. In} the other part of the smaller portion of the areas (except Tibet wed
Daliunyg and Xiaoliang mountains): Pour, five, or even six waves are 6

http: //d

-
Semisocialist cooperativization ts to be basically accomplished by 1960, but
even then it cannot be considered socialism. Because such a long time is
jreally] required, it cannot be shortened. Ina word, don’t do it where the conditions are not ripe.

What is meant by basically accomplishing semisocialist cooperativization?
{| means accomplishing seventy, seventy-five, or eighty per cent [of the trans-
(ormation),

Being cither (60 slow or too fast is no good, both are called opportunism.
There is the opportunism of slowing down; and there is the opportunism of
apeeding up-

It 18 necessary to strengthen leadership. [The leadership organs at} the three
jevels - the province, the (special) district. and the xian — must be in command of the development of the moveroent at all times, and once they see
problems they should solve them, As soun as a problem arises. they should go
nolve it right away and not make belated criticisms. (You can call a meeting
even if you only have [people from] half |of the xian and special districts} of a
province.) Don't indulge in making criticism after the event. It is best. to make
One's criticism as soon as a problem crops up, Don't wait until problems have
piled up before you make your criticism. Lf things are not going right, put the
brakes on immediately, All three levels of [leadership] — province, [special]
district, and xian — have the power to put on the brakes.

{ You] must pay attention to guarding against “Left” [deviations]. It is also a
Marxist [principle] to guard against “Left” (deviations). Marxism does not
merely guard against “Right” (deviations). [If we sdvance at] the speed mentioned above that’s fine. After that it becomes a matter of competing over
quality and over [meeting] specifications. The criteria for quality is in having
dn increase in production, and having no loss of oxen. (1 did not say that we
don't Want pigs to die, but pigs shouldn't die either.) How do we meet the criferia? (1) Carry out the policy of voluntary participation and mutual benefit;
(2) comprehensive planning; and (3) flexible leadership. The leadership must
trusp these three points well. People have warned us, citing the “leftist misfakes that the Soviet Union has committed. We should remember and learn
from the experiences of the Soviet Union.

The crucial period is the coming two years, and mainly the coming five or
‘ix months (from October of this year to March of next year). It is essential
that there not he any big problems during these five or six months.

The wave of oxen dying should be considered past. Don’t let it happen
“gain, Oxen also need to be clothed, fed, and sheltered, They need someone
{o look after them, and whether or not a price is set for them when they are
(ured over to the cooperative, in any case, we don’! want the oxen to die. If
the Chinese Communist Party is to show its stuff, we must not let the wave of
oxen dying occur again from now on, We should create [a situation where)
“the three do not ery out”: the people don't cry out, the cattle don’t cry out,
and the pigs don’t cry out, When they cry out, there is a chance of their dying.

In the five months abeud, persons in positions of major responsibility in the
provinces, [special] districts, xian districts, and xiang, and above glj yp
retaries and deputy secretaries, should dig deeply into the [matter of y
cooperatives and become experts, Those who cannot go deeply inty 7 hr
have their jobs changed, and then we won't ask them to do that any pyc

After five months, the Center probably will have to hold another my :
like this one. Each province perhaps should invite the secretaries of g fe
(Party) committees to participate. It will amount to an increase of 26 00 ¢ 0
(representatives| for the entire country. Everybody should prepare a dr.
Speech; we must have new (ideas) and speak on new topics suchas oq
hensive planning and management.

A few suggestions on leadership methods (on how to achieve m
and better results): -

1, Hold several meetings a year. Hold both big meetings and smal) yee,
ings.

2. Solve problems whenever [you] encounter them. Don’t let proble
up. As long as [you] understand @ few cooperatives clearly, you can draw
clusions. Catch a sparrow and dissect it. Although the sparrow is én ue
all the vital organs. Chinese sparrows and foreign sparrows are all al
don't have to dissect each and every one of them.

3. Send telegrams and make telephone calls.

4. Go on inspection tours. it doesa's matter If you go tha Sore aa
in » horse-drawn cart or even if you go on foot.

5. Improve publications. | have read the publications of all the provine
some are well edited, One shortcoming is that the editors ure ire
they publish any article that is contributed without regard for its con
type used in publications should not be too small, and the lines she
100 close, Don't use the new No. 5 type; use the old No. 5 type, sou i
be easier for people to read. This time, in compiling Zenyang ban nor
Shengchan hezuoshe (How to Run Agricultural Producers’ Cooperat
the Rural Work Department of the Central Committee read 1,200 ¢
shut myself up for eleven days and read 120 essays. [It was like} m king
tour of all the different states,” and 1 wrote introductory comments a
preface. I think that each province and each autonomous region should cont
pile a book every year, with each xian contributing an essay, t be pul
openly, They are labeled “intra-Party secret,” oat think teen
secret about them at all. Let’s ask the People’s Publishing House to f
Zenyang ban nongye shengchan hezuoshe and send a copy to. every 00
democratic personages

6. Issue brief reports. The lan Party committee should submit at
to the [special] district [Party] committee every ten days, and the tate”
[should do the same} to the provincial Party committee; when the 3 =
tense, it should be done every five days. The content should abies
problems have developed and whatever progress has been made. “The pe
cial [Party] committee should make a brief report to the Center ever ‘ul
month, or every ten days when the situation is tense. [ts contént sHOW”

____ http://dztsg2,
clear and concise; and u few hundred words will do.
iV. Conceming the ideological struggle.

At this meeting we have crossed swords ideologically; this is very good. The
experiences of history have proven that ideological struggle must be to the
point. In ideology, people should cross swords, with one making a thrust and
another making a parry. Without crossing swords, there will be a lack of clarity and thoroughness [in thinking]. When swords are crossed. jt will help the
majority of comrades to understand the problems clearly, and it will help those
comrades who have made mistakes to correct such mistakes,

Historically, there have been two kinds of people who have made mistakes.
Those who were willing to correct themselves are one kind, and those who
were unwilling to correct themselves are another. We should try to win over
those who are willing to correct themselves, As for those comrades who have
made mistakes, there are only two requirements (regarding their problem]:
one is that they themselves are willing to continue to make revolution, and the
other is that others must also allow them to make revolution. Anybody who
does not permit other people to make revolution is [creating] a very dangerous
[situation], Wang Lun, the “white-robed scholar,” and Old Squire Zhao” are
people who did not permit others to make revolution, Chen Duxiu, Zhang
Guotao, Gao Gang, and Rao Shushi are also people who did not permit others
to make revolution. As a result, they themselves ended up being revolted
against and overthrown by others. Historically, those who have made the mistakes Of empiricism and dogmatism have been for the most part able to correct
themselves. One way [to do it] is to correct oneself; another way is to do so
with other people's help; one should have the attitude of welcoming criticism,
Except for a very few people, such as Chen Duxiv and Dai Jitao'’ and the
like, everybody can conect their mistakes.

Some comrades of the Rural Work Department of the Central Committee,
pnimarily Comrade Deng Zibui, have made mistakes. The nature of their mistake is that of a Right empiricist deviation. Comrade Deng Zibui has done a
lot of work during the protracted struggle in the past, and he has his achieve
ments. However, one mustn't tum one’s accomplishments into a burden. All
you need to do is to be a little more modest and not to flaunt your seniority,
then you will be able to correct your mistakes.

The “four big freedoms” and “consolidating the order of new democracy”
are the programs of the bourgeoisie and run counter to the resolutions of the
Second Plenum. Proposing such slogans is an error in program. There should
be restrictions on the “four big freedoms"; (they should be] changed into “four
‘mall freedoms.” After utilizing, restricting, and reforming [these freedoms],
we should eventually eliminate them. They cannot be left both unrestricted
und unchanged. In order to eliminate them, we must prepare and must have
Something ready with which to replace them. Lf we eliminate them without
having found something with which to replace them, we will be committing
the mistake of "Left" deviation.

Some comrades “never talk about fundamentals but take pleasure in dispensing small favors.” Such comrides do not study hard, take ce hs
happens outside their windows, and ignore the Purty’s resolutions , ee
They don't touch their books; nor do they ask their secretaries to yok
up for them.

Some comrades are very fond of excessive decentrilization und like ty 90
independent kingdoms. They love [to practice] dictatorship and don't jee.
consult other people or exchange opinions, They always lecture people. Th ec
comrades cannot sense the political climate. Although certain |
already generally in existence everywhere und in a large quantity,
feel them. This amounts to catching a political cold,

V. Concerning certain questions of a specific nature.

}. It is necessary to pay attention to procedure and methods in rem
well-to-do middle peasants from leadership positions in the cooperat
necessary to let them as well as the masses all understand that they ,
longer fit to be in such leadership positions, Moreover, it is '
better people with which to replace them. The method of handling {th is mat.
ter] should be different for different situations, and we should no pale ve 0
body down like a gust of wind. Some of them may be pulled down; s¢
be demoted to deputy positions or to become committee members, Ai id
ual cases where performance has been good, they should be altowedl ail ayon
and should not be removed. Don't treat well-to-do middle peasunts as If the
were rich peasunts. Their attitude toward cooperativization is different fram
that of the rich peasants, Theirs is an (attitude of] vacillation, whereus the rleh
peasants’ [attitude] is one of opposition. They are laborers, not exploiters

2. Explain in {Party} branches and among the masses that our div
people into strata, namely, into upper-middle peasants and lowern
peasants, is not-a redefining of class status. [Rather] it is because thet
middle peasants and lower-middle peasants are different in economic:
and political attitudes, and there is also a difference between heap in
enthusiasm or lack of enthusiasm toward the coopenstives. Eyen ¥
stratum, attitudes of people differ. Therefore it is necessary to induce t
join the cooperatives in stages and in different groups. After a few year wl i
all the peasants have joined the cooperatives, there will no longer be any au
ferentiation between strata.

3. As for the landlords and the rich peasants joining the cooperatives: it
basically cooperntivized areas, they can be uccepted info the coopertty
groups. in accordance With their conerete performance. In the past
that only after over fifty per cent of the entire nation was cere
we absorb [the landlords and rich peasiants into the cooperatives}. Now W
absorb them whenever a.cian has been basically cooperativized. Those an
them who are honest may be given the title of members of the cooperally’
for those who ure dishonest, some of them will not be given the title of
ber but will be called only an “probutionary member,” to undergo Tee”
through labor; financially, [however,| they will also receive a a
their labor. Some of them will not be admired into the cooperatives. WARES

http: //dzi
exception, none of those lundlords und rich peasants who haye joined the
cooperatives will be permitted fo assume positions of leadership within three
io five years. Can young intellectuals of landlord or rich peasant background
be allowed to serve as literacy teachers’ | think they can, but let's not draw
any conclusion yet. You people should study this some more, But don’t let
them serve as bookkeepers for the cooperatives. It's 4 bit dangerous to have
them serve a5 bookkecpers.

4. As for the conditions for [organizing] higher-stage cooperatives, I urge
each area to study them according to actual circumstances. When the conditions are ripe, they can be set up.

5. Neither cooperativization nor the “three-fixed” [policy] with regard to
grain should be neglected,” [The question of] how to arrange the
“three-fixed” |policy] with regard fo grain [in order to fit) the time for cooperativization should be determined by each area on its own,

6. The military draft in individual areas can be postponed until April of next
year. But on the whole it should not be postponed.

7, Cooperatives can be set up in the summer and fall. Don't concentrate all
the work in the winter and spring. Nevertheless, between every two waves,
there should be a period of rest and regrouping. Even people have to rest once
every day. Without rest and regrouping, they won't be able to catch their
breath.

8. The slogan of “running the cooperatives diligently und frugally” is very
good. As we oppose waste in the cities, so we should also oppose waste in the
countryside. Build up your households diligently and frugally, run the cooperutives diligently and frugally, and build the country diligently and frugally,
Don't be lazy and don"t be extravagant. Raise the productivity of labor, lower
costs, practice strict economy, oppose waste, do economic accounting, etc.
All cooperatives should carry these things out. But economic accounting
should be implemented step by step.

9. Don't carry out the suppression of counterrevolutionarics at the three levels of xian, district, und riame before April of next year. Last year we combined the work of setting up the cooperatives with grain production and conscription; this made our work rather crude. This year it should be meticulous.
Don’t [do things to] make everybody complain.

10. The question of the state farms has not been mentioned at this [meeting],
This ts a shortcoming. Next time there should be somebody to speak [on the
subject]. The Rural Work Department of the Central Committee should [send
people] down [to the basic units] and study the matter # bit. In the future, the
proportion of state farms [in the agricultural sector] will become greater and
ereaier,

11. [We should] continuously and rigorously oppose Han chauvinism, Han
chauvinism is @ bourgeois idea. Of course, we should also oppose narrow
nationalism on the part of the minority nationalities, but first we must oppose
Han chauvinism. We should help the minority nationalities in a wholehearted
and sincere manner. We cannot do without the minority nationalities, They

ockKaAMBe


666 | MAQ ZEDONG

occupy seventy to eighty per cent of the land where [natural] rescue,
ubound. We cannot do without Seypidin and X XX." Ls
12. In the cooperatives, [we} must wipe out illiteracy and not wipe Out (he
{campaign| to eliminate illiteracy. ==
13, What is meant by “Left” deviation’? What is meant by Right deviation
Things move in time and space (especially in time). When people obserys
things, if it is not in acoordance with the actual conditions, it will be “Left 4

they see too far ahead, and it will be Right if they fail to see [the hings|. Fi
example, not to develop the cooperatives in.a big way when the conditions figy
4 big development are ripe 1s (0 be Right. To insist that eighty per cent of the
entire country [be cooperativized) within a single year next year ts to he
“Left,” There are [two] old sayings in China: “When the mellon is ripe, it falls
from the stem." [And,} “When water comes, the ditch will be formed.” [Bist
aphorisms] simply mean that one should attain one's goal in an vay,
not by forcing things." It is just like a woman giving birth to a baby. Ifthe
baby is forced out after only seven months [of pregnancy), it is a case of being:
“Left”; if it Is not allowed to come out [even] after nine months, then itis
Right.
14. Is it possible that a “Left” deviation will occur? It is entirely possible
the leadership does not pay attention to the state of development, does not Dit}
attention to the consciousness of the masses, does not do comprehensive plan
ning, and does not do things by stages and by groups; if it favors only quantity’
without paying attention (o quality or does not exercise control, then the mis

lake of a “Left” deviation will certainly occur, and it will definitely male th
people cry out, the cattle cry out, and the pigs cry out. Once they start crying
out, they will die — people will die, cattle will die, and pigs will die. This is
not “reverse propaganda.”"* [We] must anticipate all unfavorable situations
and the various difficulties that could emerge, such as a possible decrease it
production, the loss of cattle, etc. [We] should openly tell the masses so tat
they can be prepared. Naturally, we should not scare the masses either, At
appropriate moments, when people's heads are swollen, it is necessary 10
compress them a little, so that they won't become too swollen.
Should we not worry al all’? We should still have the necessary Worries,
ulations, and commandments, It is not that we don’t want them at all,
Zhu Bajie’” has to observe three regulations and five commandments, YS
should have the necessary periods of respite and the applying of brakes, 3
well as gates." When people are strutting around, we will give them new
tasks (for example, there will be competition for quality next year), so thie
they won't have enough time to become concelted.
15. Can we allow the xian level to have a ninety per cent" operatic
flexibility factor? I think we can. But don't draw any conclusion yet. | sugges
you people consider the matter. “
16. Kerosene is too expensive. Can we reduce the price? Comrade Chen

Yun said that this [problent] can be solved. ~
17. Some people are skeptical about whether or not our decision [on cooper

http: / /dztsg2.n

stivization| will be reversed in the future. [ think that [since] that is the way
things are going generally, it will be impossible to reverse the decision.

18. Some people have asked what the general trend will be. In about ten
years, that is, by about the time of the Third Five-Year Plan, the construction
of socialism will be basically completed. There's another point to this, [and
that is that] in about fifty to seventy years, that is, after about ten to fifteen
five-year plans, we can hope to catch up with or surpass the United States.
Within this period, there aré bound to be many serious and complicated
conflicts and struggles of varying degrees, both domestically and intemationally, both in and outside the Party. There are bound to be many difficulties,
such as world wars, the [dropping of] the atom bomb, the emergence of
people like Beria, Gao Gang, and Rao Shushi. There are many things that
cannot yet be anticipated. But we are Marxists, and all difficulties can be
overcome. There is bound to be the emergence of a powerful socialist China.
Fifty years from now a Communist China will appear.

19. About the resolutions and [twelve-year] Program [for Agricultural
Development}: Once the resolutions have been adopted by this meeting and
revised by the Political Bureau, they should be made public very quickly. The
Program is equivalent to a second constitution. It has to wait to be made
public by the State Council and for opinions [about it] to be solicited before it
can be submitted to the National People’s Congress for ratification.

20. [You] may take with you all the drafts of the speeches (made here], but
don’t print them. Each of you should leave behind a {copy of the] revised draft
{of your speech], Turn over the draft you want to exchange to the General
Office under the Central Committee before October 25. You can take the sample copy of Zenyung ban nongye shengchan hezuoshe home. Nowadays there
is too much of the classical style in the essays [people write]. They are halfclassical and half-vernacular. "Yinggai” ["should”] is written only as "ying".
“binggie” ["moreover”) is written only as “bing”; “shihou™ |"when"| is
written only as “shi; and “guanche zhixing™ |"carry out thoroughly] is written only as “*guanche."” In writing essays one must pay attention to logic (the
structure of an essay must have inner coherence and there should be no
conflict between what comes before and what comes after) and to grammar
und ehetoric (the writing must be compact and the language vivid). [You]
should seek help from expert waiters.

31. How do we transmit the things [discussed here}? During work discussions, express what you can remember in your own words. The resolutions
and the Program must be studied.

22, Pay attention wo doing a good job of clecting the delegates to the “Eighth
Congress.”

23. Premier Zhou will make a report to everybody on current affairs.

24. Each unit of the provinces and greater [administrative] regions should
each hold a small meeting.


668 | MAO ZEDONG

Notes

1, This date is given, not in the Wane (1969) text here, but in the Nuanyji, V, ext, amid 16 the
currect date, since the Plenum was beid October 4-11, 1955. The date given in Wansui (1960)
September 1955. ‘i
2. See teat Jun. 6, 19502).
3. Pan Hanntan was s political worker in the Jiangxi Soviet whe later went 10 th

Conmnittce of the CPC, and ultimately « deputy-mayor of Shanplial. ievon ma
Gao-Rao Affalr and was “uncoverod” as a counicrrevolutionury in 1955, being traced to tie
the Chen LifeChen Goofu clique in the KMT before Liberation. He was areste
incarcerated in 1955. For the Yanan rectification, see text June 20, 1953, note 9, and text Ay
1953, note 24. 4

4. We ure onable i identify this person, Neither Pan Hannian nor Liu Xueying
tioned in the Xusnji, V. version here.

5. These classifications Were not specifically mentioned in the Nuwrji version. Map
being facetious here, since, while there is a known classification called sam lei she. ort
(or calegory) coopendive, there is 1 our knowledge no standard definition of fourth o¢ fi
cooperatives. See text July 31, 1955, note 16.

6. Here the Xuanji version says “seven billion,”

7. Bendaihe is located in the far eastern tip of Hebei Province, dear Qinhuangday {/
Summer 1954, source note), Xiangshan is a suburb of Beijing, about twelve km. nonthwes af
capital proper and within Beijing Municipality. Neither of these places is mentioned in the
version,

8. See text Oct 11, 1955/1), note 36.

9. This is a charseter in Lu Xun"s Ah Q shengshuan who is the Te ee
See text Oct. 1b, 195571)

and his political profile does not seems la fit here. The reference to Dai Jiying appears 10 be mit
accurme. See text Oct. 11, 195S(1), note 41.
11, The “three-fixed” policy — of fixing production, purchase, and sale - was inpleme et
Mareh 1955 and derives from the unitied purchasing and supply system of 1953, In thit po
PU RE Eee eR Pree ret a i

Biahtec ening poccia wocanehs gall hos tow be rescence ene tant. bn WMT,
the state had fixed sales. or supply, to peasunts whose grain output was lower than their \grnilt CO
nape ea Fane Oe Gee: Sce K. Fae ped 219-22; and ¥. Lau (1977), p. 32

jiang Committee of the CPPCC and chairman of the People’s Council of the Xinjiang “
Autonomous Region. For micre information on Seypidin, see D. Kivin and A, Clark, edts. (1971)
It, pp. 742-747, We are unable to locale conclusive evidence to identify XX X_ Neither pers te
mentioned in the Xwar/) version,

13. Seo tear Oet 11, }955(2), notes 61 and 62, "
14. For Mao's idea of “reverse propaganda” and use of the term, see texts Sept. 25, 1955,
Dec. 27, 1955(1) und (2), particularly text Dec. 27, 1955(2}, note 13, and SW, V, p. 276s
However, jt should be noted that this definition renders Mao's meaning here rather amtyigie

http://d
15 Zhu Bajie is a character (often known as The Pig) in the classical novel Xiyou jf Journey wo
the West), who is noted for his gluttony, bulfoopery, error-proneness, and wanton passions. He ti
often a foil to Mao's heroic figure in the same novel, Sun Wukong, of the Monkey King.

16. Mao's use of the term gucchu appears to refer to the notion of gates where work is temporarily suspended 50 thal people's achievements may be assessed. See teat June 23, 1950, note 8.

17. Here we have a major inconsistency between the two versions. The Xiwanji version reads
“ten per cent,”

18. This refers to the National Program for Agricultural Development, 1956-1967, which at thie
time Was only in draft. See text Oct. } 1, 1955(1), note 56, For more detuil, see text Dec. 6, 1955,
note 3.