Moreover, we are entering the atomic age.
Although some have delved deeper while others less so, and still others have not yet begun to explore it, the majority of our comrades are indeed studying this field. It appears that many have already made significant progress and are on the verge of becoming experts—this is an excellent development.


The struggle against the Gao–Rao anti-Party alliance will propel our Party forward by a great step.


We must propagate and help five million intellectuals and cadres at all levels, both within and outside the Party, to master dialectical materialism and oppose idealism. In doing so, we will build a powerful theoretical contingent, which is precisely what we so urgently need. This too is a momentous good deed.


(II) On the Five-Year Plan:
(1) Comrades generally found most of the speeches to be very good, with several standing out as particularly outstanding and highly satisfactory. However, certain parts of the reports from central departments were lacking, offering insufficient analysis and critique. Other presentations merely described the current state of severe waste without proposing concrete solutions. These latter contributions were deemed unsatisfactory.
(2) Many issues raised by local authorities requiring central resolution shall be studied and appropriate measures formulated by the Secretariat in consultation with the proposing comrades, after which they will be submitted to the Central Committee for decision.
(3) Matters for which central departments seek assistance from local authorities should be given due attention and promptly addressed by comrades there.


(III) On the Gao–Rao Anti-Party Alliance:
(1) Some have asked whether an actual alliance existed or if the two were merely acting independently. Judging from the fact that at the economic conference both Gao Gang and Rao Shushi simultaneously launched attacks against the so-called “Liu Shaoqi clique,” from their coordinated efforts at the organizational meeting to undermine the Party through Rao Shushi and Zhang Xiushan, from Rao Shushi’s remark that “henceforth the Organization Department of the Central Committee should be centered around Guo Feng,” from their shared exploitation of Comrade An Ziwen’s list, and from Gao Gang’s repeated assurances to me that he would protect Rao Shushi, while Rao Shushi continued to defend Gao Gang until the very end,


it is clear that they did form an alliance; they were not two separate, unrelated entities.
As for the claim that no formal agreement was reached, equating this to labeling conspiratorial anti-Party alliances with open political pacts such as the Paris Pact or the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, it should be noted that even among members of Gao Gang’s inner circle—Zhang, Zhang, Zhao, Ma, and Guo III—and between Rao Shushi and Xiang Ming and Yang Fan, no written agreements existed either.


(2) The respective stances that comrades influenced by Gao and Rao should adopt, as well as those who remain unaffected.
Among the influenced, degrees of involvement vary: some have only lightly engaged, while others more deeply; a small minority has yet to express a position, but the vast majority have done so. Some expressions have been quite sound, others reasonably adequate, whereas a few have been insufficient or contain certain inappropriate elements. In any case, a stance has been taken, and we should welcome this uniformly, hoping for further correction. We ought not only to observe but also to assist. For those whose concerns are minor and who have not had time to speak, they may submit their views in writing to the Central Committee.
Those unaffected should avoid arrogance and remain vigilant against potential pitfalls.


(3) On matters of principle, comrades should consistently maintain a proper distance from one another when confronted with statements or actions that violate Party principles—drawing a clear line and firmly rebuffing them. This distance must never be compromised due to ties of long-standing friendship, seniority, subordination, collegiality, or shared origins; nor should one refrain from taking a stand or upholding principles under such circumstances.


(4) Certain comrades have admitted to being aware of some of Gao and Rao’s misdeeds yet failing to discern their broader conspiracy—a perfectly understandable oversight. Even the Central Committee did not uncover their plot until 1953, having previously been deceived and kept in the dark. Instances of such blindness remain all too common.
From this we derive an important lesson: we must not allow ourselves to be misled by appearances.


(5) Arrogance is perilous: believing that one can swim without catching a cold, proclaiming oneself a hero for several months, only to succumb to a severe cold—clearly, heroism cannot be claimed in this manner.
Chuan
Zhang refers to Zhang Xiushan. Zhang refers to Zhang Mingyuan. Zhao refers to Zhao Dezun. Ma refers to Ma Hong. Guo refers to Guo Feng.


Undertakings are accomplished by the collective; while a few individuals may play a role, their contribution is ultimately not extraordinary. Even without you, the Earth would continue to turn as it always has, and endeavors would proceed unchanged—perhaps even more effectively. China would have advanced further had Confucius never lived.
There are those with long experience, like myself, and there are also new forces. Which group holds greater promise? Undoubtedly, it is the younger generation. Compared to older comrades, it is precisely the youth who have reason to take pride in themselves.
It is often said that the older one gets, the more experience one accumulates; therefore, those aged middle years and above ought to remain humble, demonstrating to the younger generation that we truly possess valuable experience—otherwise, it would appear inconsistent.


(6) Guard against both “left” and right deviations: Some argue that “the ‘left’ is preferable to the ‘right’”; others, conversely, contend that “the ‘right’ is better than the ‘left’.” Going beyond the times, rushing ahead heedlessly, engaging in reckless struggles—these constitute “left” deviation and are undesirable. Likewise, falling behind the times and lacking fighting spirit are equally detrimental.
Within our Party, there are not only those inclined toward “left” tendencies but also quite a number who favor “right” positions or lean toward the center-right, all of which are undesirable. A dual-front struggle is thus required.


(IV) The Current Situation:
Regardless of the international, domestic, or intra-Party context, the bright side currently predominates over the dark. So why then do we need to prepare for sudden emergencies, for counter-revolutionary restoration, and for the possible recurrence of the Gao–Rao incident? By planning for the worst-case scenario, we stand to gain rather than lose.


(V) Striving for the Successful Convening of the Eighth National Congress of the Party:
The Central Committee has decided to hold the Eighth Congress in the second half of 1956. Three items are on the agenda:
(1) The work report of the Central Committee;
(2) Amendments to the Party Constitution;
(3) The election of a new Central Committee.
We aim to complete the selection of delegates and all preparatory work by next July. Over the course of the coming year and a half, we call upon all sectors to make substantial progress in addressing the various shortcomings and errors that have already come to light, such as excessive construction and rampant waste.


Acknowledgments
Someone has suggested holding such delegate meetings annually or biennially. This proposal may be considered by the Central Committee. It represents an effective mechanism for mutual oversight among comrades and for accelerating the advancement of the Party and the nation. Party delegate meetings and congresses could alternate in sequence.


All Party members are hereby reminded to strive for the successful convening of the Eighth Congress in 1956 and for the triumphant completion of the First Five-Year Plan.