Chairman Mao said: It's not that there is no vigilance. Some of our Party members protect those who are hostile to Marxism. They themselves do not oppose Marxism. They even oppose others who do.

Yu Pingbo's idealism is very obvious. He looks at family trees in isolation. His standard of criticism is subjectivism and relativism; it is objective idealism and relativism.

In cooperating with the bourgeoisie, we are friends politically, but we cannot hold them up as our father. We cannot abandon our principles. We accept their opinions only when it is beneficial to us. For example, the Common Program was created under the leadership of the Party, whereas in classical literature, they are leading us.

Idealism must be cleared out from all academic departments.

The entire academic and literary world is dominated by capitulationism. Merely opposing liberalism is not enough, because that cannot encompass the struggle of one class ideology against another. On many fronts, there are no fighters, no struggle. Many Party members just eat, sleep, and rest.

The second problem: a lack of criticism in the academic world. Why can't "official books" be criticized? The second point in the conclusion of the *History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)* says that even individual principles of Marxism can be criticized. The reason Lu Xun makes people feel a sense of intimacy is that he tells his thoughts to his readers.

It is wrong to be afraid of not being able to hold one's head up after being criticized. There will always be some people who cannot hold their heads up. Of course, after correcting their mistakes, they can hold their heads up.

Criticism should be fully justified. To negate everything or be arbitrary is warlordism; if we do that, we will fail. Some things that await proof can all be discussed. The problem of ideology is not one person's problem.

We cannot adopt the principle of the minority submitting to the majority. The opinions of the minority can also be upheld, and they are not necessarily wrong. In the beginning, what is right is always in the minority. The opinions of all schools of thought can be exposed, especially since we all lack learning. On the question of *Dream of the Red Chamber*, we should not be hasty in drawing conclusions. Academic questions should be resolved through academic conferences, not by the Central Propaganda Department.

Third, regarding the fostering of new forces. Several departments are not paying attention to this point; this is not Marxism. Old cadres must do a good job of helping the youth in battle. Old cadres often lack vitality. Paying attention to the youth and recruiting new fighters is the role of leadership.

We must pay attention to "little people." Anyone who has achieved anything was a "little person" in the past. In our life, in our cultural work, we cannot do without "little people." ... In the universities, we must train teaching assistants, with the focus on cultivating the youth. We must believe that each generation is better than the last.

Many people thought *The Secret History of the Qing Court* was good, but Chairman Mao thought it was wrong. By the time of the Boxer Rebellion, supporting the Guangxu Emperor was supporting imperialism. There is also Liang Sicheng's architecture, which is neither economical nor good-looking, like wearing a Western suit with a skullcap. Printing presses and radios have no national form.

The written language is to be phoneticized, but right now the appearance of the letters being considered is too ugly. If a national form were used, it would be easy to promote. This involves a problem of national psychology. Chairman Mao said in closing: What I have said today is an opinion, do not see it as unchangeable. Still less can it be used as a force to attack others.

The struggle against Yu Pingbo should stop and should shift to criticizing the thought of Hu Shih. In particular, we should use this opportunity to propagate materialist thought to the people of the whole country. Idealism and materialism must be popularized.

In this struggle, we must distinguish between the enemy, ourselves, and our friends. The enemy must be attacked; even if the enemy has some progressive things, we should not encourage them. We should not be in a hurry to criticize our own shortcomings. We must protect our friends. Do not muddle the battle lines into a state of chaos.

The struggle is to be led by the Central Propaganda Department, with Guo Lao as the commander.