The Five Principles Peaceful Coexistence Long-Term Policy

Date: 1954-12
Source: en:FLP-Diplomacy
THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE'®
ARE A LONG-TERM POLICY*
(December 1954)
We Should Promote Understanding
in the Course of Cooperation
(December 1, 1954)
Chairman Mao Zedong (hereinafter referred to as Mao): We are pleased
to see Prime Minister U Nu, Madame Nu and the other friends from Burma.
The Chinese people, too, are very glad to see you, for our two countries are
neighbors with close relations—friendly countries of long standing.
Were there wars between China and Burma in history? Probably very few
—isn't that so?
Prime Minister U Nu (hereinafter referred to as Nu): Only two wars—one
during the reign of Kublai Khan'"' of the Yuan Dynasty, the other in the Qing
Dynasty. There has never been a war, however, with the Hans of China.
Mao: In both wars the Chinese were in the wrong. It was China that
invaded you.
In past history Korea and Vietnam suffered the most wrong from China;
Burma suffered relatively less. From now on our two countries should coexist
in peace.
Nu: Thank you.
Mao: We hope there will be no wars in the world; that would be best.
Nu: Frankly speaking, we have fears of big countries. However, Premier
Zhou Enlai's visit to Burma greatly removed such fears among the Burmese.
This is a point I am very happy to report to Chairman Mao.
* These are excerpts from Mao Zedong's talks with Burmese Prime Minister U Nu on
two occasions.
Mao: With more contacts and familiarity between us, we can live together
even better. It is only natural that two countries do not know each other well
enough for a period of time. We should enhance our mutual understanding in
the course of cooperation. We in China are truly in need of a peaceful
environment, as we have a lot of things that remain to be done.
Nu: I fully agree with what the Chairman has just said.
Mao: Our domestic problems should and can be resolved in our own
country. What we need is international cooperation and assistance. For
instance, the question of our big population can be solved by means of
developing our production. We are against Hitler's” past assertion that a big
population should seek expansion and snatch things from abroad. Again, our
land problem. We are solving it by land distribution, setting up of cooperatives
and reclaiming of barren land. I have discussed all these with Prime Minister
Nehru. We are now practicing a planned economy—something we had not
done before. This is not easy work and is fraught with difficulties.
Nu: One of the purposes of my visit is to study how you implement the
plan.
Mao: Our First Five-Year Plan has been implemented for nearly two years.
The achievements have not been great, but some achievements have been
scored.
Nu: We also have a plan, but not much progress has been made, owing
to rebellion in our country.
Mao: Take your time. The economic levels of our two countries are about
the same, being both mainly agricultural countries. Countries such as China,
Burma, India and Indonesia are currently at similar economic levels. All of us
hope to transform our countries into industrialized ones.
Nu: This is our hope, too.
Mao: This is long-term work and cannot be accomplished in a short time.
We need a peaceful environment and we need friends. Therefore, we are very
happy to meet Prime Minister U Nu.
Nu: The attitude of China toward Burma has been consistently correct.
If the Chinese government had taken advantage of the presence of Kuomintang
troops in Burma,'®® that might face the Burmese government with many
difficulties. But the Chinese government has never taken advantage of that
and has instead shown sympathy with the difficulties of the Burmese govern
ment. On behalf of the government and people of Burma, I wish to express
our thanks to the Chairman for this correct and friendly attitude of the
Chinese government.
Mao: We understand your difficulties. We know that the continued
presence of Kuomintang troops in Burma is because you have difficulties and
not that you intentionally allow them to stay in Burma. We shall never use
the Kuomintang troops' presence in Burma as an excuse to undermine the
peaceful relations between our two countries.
Nu: Thank you.
Mao: The Kuomintang troops in Burma are not many. We are not afraid
of them. The harassment they can make is rather limited.
Nu: Though they are few in number, if the government of the People's
Republic of China had not adopted an attitude of sympathy toward us, they
might have led to a second Korea or a second Indochina. That was our worry
in the past. However, thanks to the Chinese government's sympathetic attitude
toward us, no dispute whatsoever has occurred.
Mao: We have issued strict orders to our people in the border areas to
confine themselves to defensive measures and never take even one step across
the boundary. However, the objective of the United States is different from
yours. The United States has been using the Kuomintang troops in Burma to
bully China and Burma. Thailand has not been so friendly to us; still, if
possible, we should very much like to establish relations and develop good
relations with Thailand.
Nu: Has the Chinese government taken any steps to establish friendly
relations with Thailand—like the friendly relations between China and Burma?
Mao: We have discussed this matter with Prime Minister Nehru, and we
also hope that Prime Minister U Nu would render indirect help in this
connection. I do not know what could prompt Thailand to improve relations
with us.
Nu: On December 26 Prime Minister Nehru and I will pass through
Bangkok on our way to Indonesia to attend a meeting of the Colombo
Conference participants.'®' Taking the opportunity of our sojourn in Bangkok
we shall convey the opinion of the Chinese government to the prime minister
and other members of the government of Thailand.
Mao: That will be very good.
Nu: We shall raise this matter with the prime minister and other members
of the government of Thailand.
Mao: Thailand has said it is afraid of China's aggression. In keeping with
what we have done with India and Burma, we can, on the basis of the Five
Principles, issue a joint statement with Thailand to affirm mutual nonaggression and peaceful coexistence. Anyone who commits aggression will be in the
wrong.
The joint statement issued by the prime ministers of China and Burma"®
laid down the Five Principles governing our mutual relations. One of the
principles is noninterference in each other's internal affairs; another is equality
and mutual benefit. What is noninterference in each other's internal affairs?
It means that a country's internal disputes should be handled by that country
itself, and no other countries should meddle in or take advantage of such a
domestic dispute. A country should recognize only the government of another
country chosen by the people themselves. Therefore, Burma has recognized
our government and we have recognized Prime Minister U Nu's government.
A country can have only one government. Whether or not a country will in
future have another government is an affair of that country and none of our
business. Whether or not China will in future have another government is
China's affair and not the business of other countries. This is our principle.
The national boundary between our two countries is rather long, with
some sections still undefined. Among the minority peoples in the border areas
of our two countries some are ethnically identical and are quite likely to visit
one another; it is also quite likely that those who are dissatisfied with their
government might flee to the other country. We shall never utilize those who
have fled over to harm the interests of the Burmese government. This is
noninterference in each other's internal affairs and also mutual benefit, because
mutual benefit should rule out doing harm to each other. Now that both of
our countries are for cooperation, we should not harm each other; otherwise
cooperation cannot proceed well. For any doubts remaining evidence should
be found to ascertain whether our actions are mutually beneficial or mutually
harmful. Evidence can be found in the course of our cooperation. In the last
five years we have gained a better understanding of each other than we had at
the beginning, and it can be said that relations between our two countries have
progressed. For instance, we now have a trade agreement, which we did not
have. In future, our cooperation should further advance.
We know what is on your minds. You are afraid our Yunnan Province
will be harmful to you.
Nu: Yes, very much afraid. That is why I suggested to Premier Zhou that
he and I visit Yunnan together. Regrettably, this time our airplane is not
capable of flying over the mountain ranges of Yunnan.
Mao: There is still some divergence between our thinking and your
thinking. You are very much afraid because you do not understand the real
situation. We know the situation very well. We have enjoined our people there
to be friendly to Burma and not make trouble. We have made preparations
for Prime Minister U Nu to return to Burma via Yunnan. However, the trip
cannot be made by air; instead, automobiles will have to be used. That will
take about four days. The only drawback is that the roads are not so good. We
have made the preparations, and Prime Minister U Nu can have a look around
there.
Nu: Let me make the trip next time.
Mao: Don't think Yunnan is a mysterious place. It is not mysterious at
all. Burma once proposed opening a consulate in Kunming. I know your
purpose is to take a look at Yunnan, to observe what is going on there. This
can be done and indeed should be done. You may go there to see for yourselves,
to see whether what we are doing there is friendly to you or covertly harmful
to you. It would not be good for us not to allow you to look around there.
For our part, we can find a place in Burma to set up our consulate.
Nu: You are welcome.
Mao: Let this matter be discussed by both prime ministers. Both of you
should find ways to ease the tension in that area.
We should find ways to resolve questions pending between our two
countries. That will enhance our mutual confidence. We may not be able to
resolve some of the questions now, for instance, the boundary question, but
they should also be resolved in future. They may be left to be solved later on.
In short, we must see to it that no interest of either side be harmed.
Prime Minister U Nu earlier mentioned a Colombo Conference. When
will it be held?
Nu: On the 28th of December.
Mao: Is it a conference to discuss matters relating to peace and to the
Asian-African Conference?'"
Nu: Yes, it is.
Mao: We are greatly interested in the Asian-African Conference. Prime
Minister Nehru has told us that the purposes of the Asian-African Conference
are to expand the zone of peace and to combat colonialism. We think these
are very good purposes, and we support such a conference. We hope to attend
this conference if that is agreeable to the other countries.
Nu: All Asian and African countries will be invited to attend this
conference. Incidentally, what will China think if countries such as the
Philippines and Thailand are invited?
Mao: We think they should be invited. It does not matter that we have
no diplomatic relations with these two countries. The Geneva Conference'^
was attended by the United States, too.
Premier Zhou Enlai: Japan should also be invited, but Chiang Kai-shek
should not be invited.
Nu: I can say with some degree of certainty that some countries will
suggest that Chiang Kai-shek be invited, but Prime Minister Nehru and I will
oppose that.
Mao: There seem to be some difficulties! Still, we hope that China will
be invited. Only, there mustn't be a situation, as suggested by some people,
where China is invited to the United Nations and at the same time Chiang
Kai-shek is kept there. In that case it would be difficult for China to attend,
for the question of Taiwan is China's internal affair and Taiwan is a part of
China. We shall feel honored if we can attend the Asian-African Conference.
The conference is aimed at promoting the cooperation of Asian-African
countries; it will therefore be greatly beneficial to world peace. In the past
there was in Asia an aggressor country, Japan, but Japan has changed in its
status—into a semi-occupied country—and it is in a difficult position. The
Chinese people no longer hate Japan so much and are now friendly to that
country. If Japanese militarism should reemerge, we would have fears. Coun
tries such as Burma and Indonesia would probably have similar feelings.
However, the present reality is that Japan is under semi-occupation and the
Japanese nation is under oppression.
Besides, there are the few Asian countries that have joined SEATO,'® who
hold views different from ours. Still, we hope to persuade those countries to
establish friendly relations with us.
Nu: This idea is very good.
Mao: If Thailand is willing, we can establish friendly relations with that
country and commit ourselves to mutual nonaggression and noninterference in
internal affairs in accordance with the Five Principles. There are three million
overseas Chinese in Thailand, many of whom are opposed to the Chinese
government. If diplomatic relations are established between China and Thai
land, should the Chiang Kai-shek elements be driven out of Thailand? I don't
think that will be necessary, so long as they do not intrude into our territory.
There are also some Chiang Kai-shek elements among the overseas Chinese in
Burma, who still fly the flag of Chiang Kai-shek and refuse to fly our national
flag.
We constantly enjoin the overseas Chinese to abide by the laws of the
country in which they reside. Since they live in the residing country, they
should be law-abiding and should not take part in any unlawful activities in
the residing country. We have frequently carried out such educational work,
enjoining the overseas Chinese to abide by the law and to maintain good
relations with the government and people of the residing country. It is all the
more important to foster good relations in countries where there are many
overseas Chinese, as the governments of these countries have the suspicion that
we will utilize overseas Chinese to make trouble. It will take some time to prove
whether we have been educating the overseas Chinese to be law-abiding or
covertly instigating them to oppose the governments of the countries in which
they reside.
In various countries there could be unlawful political activities or revolu
tions, but those are their internal affairs, in which overseas Chinese should not
participate. The question of nationality has also to be clarified, whether one
holds Chinese nationality or a foreign nationality, and there should be no dual
nationality.
Nu: During Premier Zhou's visit in Rangoon I raised this question with
him. He said that this question was beyond his authority and he had to consult
with his colleagues upon return to China. Having heard Chairman Mao's
remarks on dual nationality today, I am very pleased.
Mao: "We are ready to resolve this question with a number of countries.
At present, talks are going on with Indonesia to solve the question in
accordance with the principles just mentioned. As we are for peace and
cooperation, we should resolve issues between us through negotiation.
Nu: That is also what we hope.
Mao: Let you two prime ministers discuss the relevant details! Prime
Minister U Nu should make contact with people in our society, personages of
our democratic parties and leading officials of our government. You are
welcome to visit whatever places you may wish to go in China.
Nu: Thank you. We hope that someday Chairman Mao can spare some
time to visit our country.
Mao: Thank you. It is also my hope to visit various countries in the world.
I am a rustic man of China who has seldom been abroad. I shall certainly be
very pleased if I have an opportunity to visit Burma. My knowledge is rather
limited, and it would be a very good thing if I could visit Burma to increase
my knowledge.
Each nation has its special features and strong points for us to learn from.
Both Premier Zhou and Ambassador Yao Zhongming."^ have said to me that
Burma has many things worthy of our learning. They have told me that the
Burmese are better than us at growing grains, and we are ready to learn how
grains are grown in Burma.
Nu: That will be very good.
Mao: Between nations there should be exchanges of strong points.

Countries Should Be Equal, Irrespective of Size
(December 11, 1954)
Chairman Mao Zedong (hereinafter referred to as Mao): Prime Minister
U Nu has probably already seen that it is our policy to be friendly with your
country. The Five Principles represent a major development, yet more work
needs to be done in pursuance of them. We should take steps to give concrete
expression to the Five Principles and should not let them become abstract
principles merely to be talked about. At present, there are two different
attitudes internationally: One is to merely talk; the other is to achieve concrete
implementation. Britain and" the United States also talk about peaceful coex
istence, but they merely talk, and if they are asked to truly act on peaceful
coexistence, they will desist. "We are not like that. We deem that the Five
Principles are a long-term policy, not an expediency. The Five Principles are
suited to the conditions of China, which needs a lasting peaceful environment.
The Five Principles are also suited to the conditions of your country and the
overwhelming majority of countries in Asia and Africa. To us, stability is
preferable. There should be stability within our countries as well as interna
tionally.
I know Prime Minister U Nu has had extended discussions with Chairman
Liu Shaoqi on Burma's internal situation. We wish you peace in your country.
As to how specifically to attain domestic peace, that is a matter for you to
handle by yourselves. It would not be appropriate for us to express an attitude
toward this specific question.
The question of the Communist Party is not confined to one country; it
is a global question in the sense that there are Communist Parties in most
countries. Therefore, it is up to each country to handle this question.
In your country there are political parties, organizations and individuals
unfriendly to China, as there are in other countries, such as India and
Indonesia. But it is not for us to interfere—to tell those parties, organizations
and individuals that they should not oppose us. In each country there are
usually several kinds of parties. We cannot express opposition to any of those
parties or support any of them. In solving questions we can only deal with the
government of a given country. We hope you can understand why we adopt
such an attitude.
Prime Minister U Nu (hereinafter referred to as Nu): This is quite correct,
and any other attitudes are not correct. I fully agree with the views of
Chairman Mao.
Mao: Both the Burmese people and the Chinese people have seen the steps
we have taken, for instance, the Five Principles and the questions already
resolved as stated in the communique on the Prime Ministers' talks. Between
our two nations, two governments and two peoples we do not differentiate the
political parties, but we have jointly attained an initial solution to our common
problems.
In China, too, there are various political parties and organizations. These
parties are different; they are not on the same footing, the difference
consisting of the leading and the led. All the democratic parties of China
acknowledge the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. There are also
in China various organizations, including those of the workers and even those
of capitalists. However, the Burmese government, Prime Minister U Nu and
Burmese ambassador U Hla Maung can only treat all the Chinese political
parties equally and cannot express satisfaction with one party and dissatisfac
tion with another. Otherwise, dissatisfaction would arise in some parties.
The same is true with our relations with Burma. If we were to express, in
the name of our government, an attitude toward any party in Burma, we would
offend that party and some ordinary people.
Since we have broached this question, we should like to say that we wish
Burma peace domestically. Prime Minister U Nu has said that the Burmese
civil war has become a heavy burden. I do not know whether or not you could
hold talks among yourselves, to see whether a compromise could be reached.
If that could be done, Burma could concentrate her energy entirely on
reconstruction. We would be glad to see that. My personal suggestion is to
start with some informal talks among yourselves, to have a try, and not to
block avenues completely. It would be best to start with informal exploratory
talks. If the talks can get you closer to one another, so much the better. If not,
the issue can be put aside for the time being, and there will be opportunities
to resume the talks.
Our ways with Tibet may be of some reference value to you. We are
prepared to talk and consult with the local government of Tibet for a fairly
long period of time. We do not insist on immediate social reforms in Tibet.
If after consultations they say alright, we can carry out a little reform; if they
say no, we can refrain from pursuing it for the time being. Of course, our
experience is only for your reference, because the domestic conditions of our
two countries differ. Each country should address her problems in light of her
own national conditions.
Here, a few words may be said about revolution. It has been very rare in
history for a revolution to win victory in a country by relying on the assistance
of foreign countries or political parties of other countries. The East European
countries won, because during the fight against Nazi Germany the armed
forces of the Soviet Union occupied those countries. Otherwise, it would have
been impossible for them to win victory by relying on foreign assistance or on
the export of revolution by foreign countries. It is in this sense that we
maintain revolution cannot be exported. This, however, does not mean that
the revolution in a given country can be immune from foreign influence. The
independence of countries such as Burma, India, Indonesia, Pakistan and
Ceylon""* was not entirely free from foreign influence, but the independence
of Burma was not won because of any foreign countries' help in human,
material and financial resources.
"We have seen a different case in Guatemala, in Central America, where
there is interference by the United States, which helped the opposition party
to organize troops in another country to fight their way into Guatemala, while
the U.S. ambassador instigated from within Guatemala. We shall never do such
a thing. We shall never organize troops in Yunnan border areas to fight into
Burma, with Ambassador Yao Zhongming instigating from within Burma.
Ambassador Yao will never do such a thing. If he did, we would definitely
dismiss him at once from his office.
There are some radical elements among the overseas Chinese in Burma,
and we enjoin them not to interfere in Burma's internal affairs. We educate
them in abiding by the law of the residing country and not contacting the
political parties that oppose the Burmese government with armed force. We
do not organize a Communist Party among the overseas Chinese; all previous
party branches have been disbanded. We have done the same in Indonesia and
Singapore. We have enjoined the overseas Chinese in Burma not to participate
in Burma's internal political activities and to take part only in some activities
permitted by the Burmese government, such as celebrations, but not other
activities. If they did otherwise, it would place us in an awkward position and
make it difficult to get things done.
We have adopted the same policy toward the three million overseas
Chinese in Thailand. Thailand is not friendly to us and the reason does not
lie with us. We truly desire to establish good relations with Thailand. China
and Thailand being so close geographically, it stands to reason that the two
countries should have good relations. Foreign newspapers suspect us of aggres
sive intentions against Thailand or setting up a so-called Free Thailand by
establishing a minority autonomous region of the Dais. There are three
hundred thousand people of the Dai ethnic group in our Yunnan Province,
and they have organized themselves into an autonomous region."^ Similarly,
there are in Guangxi more than seven million people of the Zhuang ethnic
group, and they have also organized themselves into an autonomous region.
We have scores of such minority autonomous regions, such as those of the
Koreans and Mongols. We are preparing to set up an autonomous region in
Tibet. We have many different national minorities in China, but their total
population is less than forty million. We have no intention of setting up a
so-called Free Thailand, or of invading Thailand. Those allegations do not
square with the facts. We have not conceived such ideas, or made such
preparations, or acted in such a way.
We very much want to establish diplomatic relations with Thailand—to
have mutual recognition with it. If Thailand so wishes, she is also qualified to
establish a consulate at Kunming.
Thailand has expressed fear of aggression by us. Burma, too, had such
fears. However, Burma has chosen to have good relations with us and come
to see whether we are really going to commit aggression against Burma.
Thailand does not even bother to come to see for herself. If Thailand sets up
a consulate at Kunming, they may visit our Dai autonomous region to see for
themselves.
I hope Prime Minister U Nu will convey our thinking to the authorities
of Thailand.
Nu: I have already promised Premier Zhou. I shall stop overnight in
Bangkok and meet with the Thai prime minister. I shall tell him not only that
the Chinese premier has expressed readiness to establish diplomatic relations
with Thailand, but furthermore, China's wish is sincere; this is what I have
discovered during my visit in China. I hope Prime Minister Nehru will fully
support my remarks.
Mao: We have discussed this matter with Prime Minister Nehru, but not
in such detail and not at such great length. I hope Prime Minister U Nu will
convey what we have said today to Prime Minister Nehru. We shall be very
glad if both you and Prime Minister Nehru discuss this matter with the
authorities of Thailand, so that relations like those between China and Burma
can be established between China and Thailand.
Nu: I shall try my best to do so.
Mao: Now I should like to say a few words on the question of big
countries and small countries. In our view, there should be no discrimination
between big and small countries. We are opposed to big countries having
special rights, as that would place big countries and small countries on an
unequal footing. It is the logic of imperialists that big countries are superior
and small countries inferior. No matter how small a country may be, having
a population of only several hundred thousand or even tens of thousands, it
should be entirely equal in status to a country with a population of several
hundred million.
This is a matter of basic principle, not empty talk. Since they are equal,
big countries should not harm small countries, exploit them economically,
oppress them politically, impose on them their own will, policy or ideology.
Since they are equal, mutual courtesy should be extended; a big country should
not behave like the patriarch of a feudal family and look upon other countries
as its nephews or juniors. In criticizing U.S. behavior in Guatemala, Mr.
Attlee"' said that the United States behaved like the father of a Medieval
family, picking a woman he liked for wife of his son. The relationship between
countries, irrespective of size, should be equal, democratic and friendly and a
relationship of mutual help and mutual benefit, not a relationship of inequality
or one mutually detrimental.
The current situation in North and South America is like that in a
Medieval family, with the United States as the patriarch and the other
countries as its nephews or juniors. We don't want this kind of relationship
in Asia. Japan wanted to behave that way in the past, purporting to practice
coexistence and coprosperity, but in reality trying to subject others to exploi
tation and aggression.
China and Burma have had relations for five years already. Let us see in
another five years, another five years of coexistence and cooperation, whether
we are merely talking about them or are implementing them in earnest.
Your attitude is very good in that if you have something to say or if you
have doubts or dissatisfaction, you speak your mind. In future, there may yet
crop up between our two countries some questions, some doubts or dissatisfac
tion. Let us hope that both of us will speak up, so that measures may be taken
to resolve the questions. In this way, our relations can be further improved
and our friendly cooperation enhanced.
Nu: Frankly speaking, in the past we did not dare to speak our mind, lest
we might be mistaken as stooges of Britain or the United States, or reported
to you as such by our opposition parties. However, after meeting each other
and with our mutual understanding enhanced through discussions, we are now
no longer afraid of speaking our mind. This is one of the greatest achievements
of my current visit to China. Yesterday, while talking with Premier Zhou at
his home, I told this to my friend, Premier Zhou.
I even went so far yesterday as to request Premier Zhou to release the
American fliers. Normally, I would not do such a thing, nor should I do it,
as this smacked of interference in internal affairs. However, as Premier Zhou
and I have developed a very good mutual understanding, I brought this matter
up without leading to any misunderstanding on the part of Premier Zhou. This
has made me very happy.
Mao: They will be released at some points but not now. We do not kill
foreign offenders, though Chinese committing the same offense would be
sentenced to death. Nevertheless, we must act according to law, as they have
offended against the law.
Ours is a big country in terms of its big population and vast territory, but
ours is not yet a strong country. Prime Minister U Nu, having visited our
automobile factory, knows that so far we are not able to manufacture a
complete car or airplane, so in what sense is our country strong? However weak
our country may be, we will never allow the United States to impose its will
upon us. In Yan'an we never yielded to pressure. During the War of
Liberation, we arrested the Americans who had intruded into our areas for
espionage. No matter how strong the United States may be, no matter how
much steel it can produce or how many automobiles and airplanes it can
manufacture, we shall never yield to its pressure. Toward friendly countries,
our attitude is to treat them as brothers. Toward countries that oppress us, so
long as they continue their oppression we shall not yield, not even for a day.
The airplanes used by the American spies were shot down within our
territory, in northeast China, but the United States asserted that the men were
POWs. The real POWs were the twenty thousand Korean and Chinese
captured, detained and handed over to Syngman Rhee®^ and Chiang Kai-shek.
This is utterly unreasonable and infuriating.
Countries like ours have suffered many wrongs. Countries in Asia and
Africa have for many years been bullied by imperialist powers, mainly Britain,
the United States, France, Germany and Japan. We are still suffering wrongs.
The day will come when we shall have genuine independence, when we shall
have built up our country; then we shall be able to suffer fewer wrongs.
Yours is by no means a small country. You have a population of nearly
twenty million, more than double the population of Australia. Your country's
land area is also rather large, nine to ten times that of Ceylon. Your country
is rich in various resources, and your people are industrious and intelligent.
You can, step by step, accomplish various undertakings, such as automobile
manufacture and iron and steel production. Your country has bright prospects,
and we wish to see your country prosper.
Nu: Thank you.
Mao: If all the Asian and African countries become prosperous, then the
hegemony of a few big powers cannot work. The population of the whole of
Asia is more than half of the world's population. Moreover, Asia is a good
place with two oceans—the Pacific Ocean and the Indian Ocean.
Nu: The conditions of Burma are unique. It would be very good if the
Chinese Communist Party could send some impartial observers to Burma to
study the conditions there. We shall not only be pleased to receive them, but
also offer them all facilities. They can study on the spot the position of the
Burmese government and the Burmese people's feelings about the rebels.
Mao: It would be inappropriate for us to send an observer team to Burma;
that would make a bad impression on the outside world. Our ambassador and
consuls can conduct some research on the basis of press reports and public
documents. They should not get in direct touch with the opposition parties,
but they can get indirect knowledge of the opposition parties through the legal
political parties. In doing such research, our embassy is doing what the
Burmese embassy is doing here. We cannot intervene in your internal disputes.
Nu: As you would be coming to Burma at our invitation, not against our
will, that would not constitute interference in our internal affairs. If we make
a request, you can even send troops to us, and that will not be interference in
internal affairs either.
Mao: It cannot be said sweepingly that whatever is desired by the
government is not interference in internal affairs. Four different situations are
possible:
First, in the case of allied countries, to oppose aggression and fight a
common enemy, troops of one allied country can move into the territory of
another. That is not interference in internal affairs.
Second, in the case of one country's establishing military bases in another
country, providing aid or loans with military or political strings attached, or
establishing religious bodies in another country to conduct espionage—all these
are acts of interference in internal affairs.
Third, in matters falling within the scope of purely domestic affairs, such
as ethnic conflicts or strife between political parties, if any foreign country
intervenes, that will also constitute interference in internal affairs.
Fourth, foreign professors or experts sent at the invitation of the host
country—that is not interference in internal affairs, but a kind of mutual
assistance.
The above-mentioned second and third situations constitute cases of
interference in internal affairs, because they encroach on the national interests
of another country.
If we were to send an observer team to Burma to study the ethnic conflicts
or political party disputes there, though the Burmese government might regard
this as noninterference, the other Burmese ethnic groups or political parties
would hold different views on this, and other countries would not have a
favorable opinion of this either.
Nu: I did not foresee this point. Then I shall refrain from putting forward
my suggestion.
Mao: "When I made some suggestions to Prime Minister U Nu, I did so
not in my capacity as a government worker, but as a Party worker. I am not
only chairman of the People*s Republic of China, but also chairman of the
Chinese Communist Party, so I was making suggestions in my capacity as
chairman of the Chinese Communist Party to U Nu, president of the
Antifascist People's Freedom League of Burma.
Chairman Liu Shaoqi and I have both told Prime Minister U Nu about
some of China's experience. That was an exchange of views between friends.
"Whether or not the Burmese government acts accordingly is entirely up to the
Burmese government to decide in light of its own conditions. Whether or not
the Burmese government has better relations with a particular political party
will never be made a condition in our doing business with Burma.
Nu: I regard the suggestions made by Chairman Mao and Chairman Liu
as suggestions from elder brothers to a younger brother. Elder brothers are
more experienced than a younger brother. "When I believe that those who give
me suggestions are honest, sincere and dedicated to their people, I shall listen
to their suggestions with the humbleness of a younger brother toward his elder
brothers.
Mao: Ours is not a relationship between elder and younger brothers, but
brothers born in the same year, same month, same day and same hour. In fact,
Burma attained independence in 1948—one year earlier than we did.
Nu: I am most happy to have had the opportunity for these talks. There
was a time when I wondered what kind of people I would meet in China and
was afraid of meeting people like Hitler, who would smite the table and shout
while speaking. Now I have found that my fears were entirely groundless. I
feel very happy for having had these sincere talks.
Mao: Everybody starts with lack of understanding and ends with a better
understanding. That is only natural.
(From the verbatim record)