After the National People's Congress was convened, some people believed that the role of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) had diminished, and the question arose as to whether the CPPCC was still necessary. It has now been proven that it is necessary. Among the 559 members of the CPPCC National Committee, 140 are also deputies to the National People's Congress, accounting for only one-fourth of the total. The remaining three-fourths are not NPC deputies, which shows that it is very necessary to include many people through the CPPCC to discuss matters. Although the national and local people's congresses, the State Council, and the people's committees of various provinces and municipalities have already included many people, the CPPCC National Committee and local CPPCC committees are still needed.

The main issue is the nature of the CPPCC—whether it is a state organ or a people's organization. The nature of the CPPCC is different from that of the state power organ—the National People's Congress—and it is also not a state administrative organ. Some say that the functions and powers of the CPPCC National Committee should be equal to, or roughly equivalent to, those of a state organ in order for it to be considered important. If that is the case, then does the Communist Party, which has no power to make constitutions, cannot enact laws, cannot issue orders, and can only put forward suggestions, also become unimportant? This way of thinking is incorrect. If the CPPCC National Committee were also turned into a state organ, that would result in "one country, two authorities," which is not feasible. It is necessary to distinguish the different functions and powers of each. The CPPCC is a united front organization composed of representatives from all ethnic groups, all democratic classes, all democratic parties, all people's organizations, overseas Chinese, and other patriotic democratic personages. It is party-oriented in nature, and its members are mainly representatives recommended by parties and organizations.

What are the tasks of the CPPCC? First, to consult on international issues. For example, past issues like the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, the current issue of U.S. occupation of Taiwan, and potential future foreign invasions all require consultation. Such matters probably arise each year. The State Council, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of National Defense handle these matters, but for some issues, such as the visits of figures like Clement Attlee, Jawaharlal Nehru, and U Nu, we need to consult in advance to reach a unified approach. What kind of meeting should be convened for this? The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress is not ideal; the Standing Committee of the CPPCC is better. Members of the State Council can all participate, not in their official capacities but as individuals. In the past, through the CPPCC, all democratic parties issued a joint declaration in support of the struggle to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea, and also a joint declaration for the liberation of Taiwan. On the issue of opposing war and safeguarding peace, there is much to discuss. Some matters are not suitable for the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress to handle, and the State Council cannot finish them all; they need to be handled by the CPPCC.

Second, to consult on candidate lists. The CPPCC has the right to consult on candidate lists for deputies to the National People's Congress and local people's congresses at the same level, as well as on the composition of members of CPPCC committees at all levels. Deputies to the National People's Congress are elected by the people, but all parties and organizations must consult beforehand.

Third, to put forward opinions. Currently, the main focus is on offering opinions on issues related to socialist transformation. The transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, agriculture, and handicrafts all give rise to various relational issues. Elections also involve relationships on multiple fronts. Cultural and educational work, as well as study, also involve various relationships. For instance, the critique of Studies on *Dream of the Red Chamber* is also worth discussing. It is mainly about criticizing idealism. Even ten thousand years from now, idealism will still exist, because when social and economic systems and relations of production become outdated, some people will produce idealism. Contradictions between the old and the new will still exist ten thousand years hence. Socialist transformation is highly complex, and all kinds of work require consultation. I have received many letters. On my return from Guangzhou, I visited five provinces and held meetings with leading comrades in each province to survey the situation in the rural areas. Some say that peasants only have six *liang* (300 grams) of rice per day, which does not reflect the true situation. In reality, it is the rich peasants who say that the peasants are suffering, using such remarks to oppose the state monopoly on grain purchase and marketing. Among the rural population, 70 percent are peasants who were poor in the past and support the state monopoly on grain purchase and marketing. I personally asked some peasants, and they said they receive 14 *liang* and 6 *qian* (about 730 grams) of rice per day, plus coarse grains, totaling 1 *jin* (500 grams) of grain per day, not 6 *liang*. This year, national grain output is 340 billion *jin* (170 million tons). The state's total grain procurement is 77 billion *jin*, less than one-fourth of the total. Of this, purchases account for 50 billion *jin*, while agricultural tax in kind accounts for just over 20 billion *jin*. For the purchased portion, the state pays a fair price equivalent to the price at which grain was sold to private merchants. Some county magistrates, section chiefs, and township heads who have surplus grain refuse to sell it. In Shanxi, there was even a wealthy county magistrate who stored tens of thousands of *jin* of grain. This year, there were 3 million disaster-affected households in Hunan and 5 million in Hubei, all of whom have been properly resettled. The government follows the disaster victims, supplying each person with 1 *jin* of grain per day. Wherever the disaster victims go, supply and marketing cooperatives are established there. This has never happened in history and demonstrates our organizational capability, which was impossible just a few years ago. In the rural areas, the issue now is not about grain procurement or disaster victims but about commerce. State-operated commerce advanced too aggressively and too quickly, leaving many people unemployed and not properly resettled. The Central Committee of the Communist Party has issued instructions to slow down the pace. The issue of industrial raw materials has not been planned in a coordinated manner; it must be planned comprehensively. What requires the most consultation is still the issue of socialist transformation. For example, the regulations for agricultural producers' cooperatives can be discussed through consultation, as can issues related to handicrafts and fisheries. In short, relationships in all aspects of national affairs need to be consulted.

The advisory councils of the Kuomintang were merely positions that kept people idle, engaged only in perfunctory formalities. Our CPPCC, however, has real work to do. On issues such as the implementation of the constitution and the consolidation of the people's democratic system, the CPPCC can offer opinions to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and the State Council. When CPPCC members offer opinions, especially when they express views and engage in informal discussions, as long as the opinions are not disruptive but constructive, even if they are mistaken, raising them is still beneficial. Putting forward opinions conforms to the CPPCC's charter.

Fourth, to coordinate relationships among leaders of various ethnic groups, parties, people's organizations, and social democratic personages. In the past, the Han rulers treated minority ethnic groups poorly and oppressed them. This must now change. It is necessary to adjust relationships on all fronts, and the specific task is to consult on candidate lists. Is the current membership list of the CPPCC National Committee complete? Nothing in the world is entirely complete. This time, Xue Dubi was forgotten, but he can be added in the future. Shortcomings exist every year; they can be corrected and remedied. We are not surnamed Chiang; we are not like "the Chiang family's realm and the Chen brothers' party." They were parsimonious with recognition, refusing to call parties "parties," instead calling them "public notables."

Fifth, to study Marxism-Leninism. We do not mention Mao Zedong Thought. If Mao Zedong Thought were placed alongside Marxism-Leninism, some might mistake them as two separate things. To avoid misunderstandings, we do not mention Mao Zedong Thought. Leninism was also proposed by others after Lenin's death. Every communist party has some elements that are its own but still part of Marxism-Leninism. Study is voluntary and cannot be coerced. Some people believe more in Marxism-Leninism, while others believe less. For instance, some CPPCC Standing Committee members are only patriotic and unwilling to study Marxism-Leninism; that cannot be helped. We must advocate for earnest ideological remolding—encouraging the diligent while tolerating the occasional idler.

Our state system is a people's democratic dictatorship. Democracy means handling affairs through consultation, not autocracy, but centralism is necessary. At present, there is still struggle against enemies, and the detention regulations are mainly aimed at counterrevolutionary elements. Toward enemies, we exercise dictatorship and oppress them. Landlords are to be deprived of their property and stripped of political rights. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, several democratic classes suppress imperialist elements and landlord elements. We "do unto them as they would do unto us," "dispel violence with violence," and "associate with those of our own views and attack those who differ."

(Printed based on the transcript of the speech preserved by the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee.)

**Notes**
This is a summary of Mao Zedong's remarks during a discussion with representatives of democratic parties and non-party democratic personages on the work of the CPPCC.

**Clement Attlee** was a former British Prime Minister and then leader of the British Labour Party. **Jawaharlal Nehru** was then Prime Minister of India. **U Nu** was then Prime Minister of Burma. They visited China in August, October, and December 1954, respectively.
Refers to the *Joint Declaration of All Democratic Parties*, issued on November 4, 1950, jointly by 11 democratic parties, including the CPC, the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, and the China Democratic League.
Refers to the *Joint Declaration of All Democratic Parties and People's Organizations of the People's Republic of China for the Liberation of Taiwan*, issued on August 22, 1954.
The old Chinese weight units are used here, with 1 *jin* equaling 16 *liang*. On June 25, 1959, the State Council issued an order on the unified system of measurement, stating: "The market system originally fixed one *jin* as 16 *liang*; due to the inconvenience of conversion, it shall be uniformly changed to one *jin* as 10 *liang*."
Xue Dubi (1892–1973) was a native of Yuncheng, Shanxi. He served as Vice Minister of Justice in the Bèiyáng government, and as Governor of Gansu Province, Minister of Civil Affairs, Minister of the Interior, and Minister of Water Resources in the Kuomintang government. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he served as a standing committee member of the Shanghai Municipal CPPCC and a member of the Second CPPCC National Committee.
"Chiang's Family Realm, the Chen Family’s Party" (Jiāng jiā tiānxià Chén jiā dǎng) —a derogatory term for the one-party dictatorship of the Kuomintang and the autocratic rule of Chiang Kai-shek. "Chen" refers to the brothers Chen Guofu and Chen Lifu, who successively served as standing committee members of the KMT Central Executive Committee and head of the Organization Department, and were leaders of the KMT's CC Clique.