Is it appropriate to hold elections and draft an election law now? After several meetings to exchange views on this question, it is clear and definite from the opinions expressed today.

However, there are still some issues that need clarification, which can be summarized into four main points.

First, what is the basis for doing this? One aspect of the basis is the provisions of the Common Program [2]. Over the past three years, military operations on the mainland have ended, land reform has been largely completed, people from all walks of life have been organized, and the conditions for holding national elections have matured. The Chinese people, since the late Qing Dynasty, have been fighting for this democracy for fifty or sixty years. The period from the First Sino-Japanese War to the Xinhai Revolution was a high point. At that time, they demanded democracy from the Qing government, then from the Beiyang warlord government, and later from the Kuomintang government under Chiang Kai-shek. Whenever they demanded democracy, the government would say: We always intend to implement democracy. The Qing government said this, but never delivered. After Chiang Kai-shek heard our suggestions, he did not explicitly say he did not want democracy. Once, when I was in Chongqing, the Kuomintang issued a statement that included this sentence: "Political power belongs to the people, not to our party," followed by another sentence: "Struggle cannot be without responsibility, and that responsibility must be borne by us." The first sentence seemed beneficial to the people, but the second sentence made it beneficial to them. Struggle cannot be without responsibility! That is to say, they must first bear the responsibility for this struggle. Chiang Kai-shek said he would return political power to the people. At that time, we said: return it slowly. But he refused to listen and insisted on returning it. As a result, he truly achieved his "goal" of returning political power to the people, and he himself fled to Taiwan. At the same time, the issue of the CPPCC was also considered. Should the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference hold another session before convening the National People's Congress? Committee member Chen Shutong [3] said that another session would take at least two more years. The election of deputies to the National People's Congress must be held either this year, next year, or the year after. Rather than holding it next year, it is better to hold it this year. If we were to hold another CPPCC session two years later before convening the National People's Congress, it would also be difficult. It is better to simply convene the National People's Congress. Therefore, based on these conditions and considerations, it is better to expedite the convening of the National People's Congress.

Second, what is the effect of doing this? Committee member Chen Shutong said that doing this work can further promote people's democracy. This is indeed true. As a result of the democratic elections for township governments in the suburbs of Beijing, fifty percent of the township heads were voted out because these fifty percent of people had done bad things and the people were unhappy with them. To promote democracy, it is very necessary to hold a national general election for government organizations, especially at the county and township levels. This will have a positive effect on promoting economic construction and strengthening leadership in economic construction. It will even benefit the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea. Committee member Fu Zuoyi [4] said it could strengthen the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea. The day before yesterday, I saw a speech by Eisenhower [5] in which he said: It is impossible for China to hold democratic elections. For Eisenhower, if you hold elections, he will invade; if you don't hold elections, he will also invade. The problem depends on our own work. If our work is done better, people's democracy is further promoted, economic construction is done better, and the strength to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea is further enhanced, then it is possible to make him abandon aggression. Therefore, to promote democracy, to strengthen economic construction, and to strengthen the struggle against imperialism, we must hold elections and draft a constitution.

Third, is this possible? Are there difficulties? We say that there will always be difficulties, but compared to the things we have already done, the difficulties will be fewer. For example, it will not be as difficult as the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea; it will not be as difficult as land reform; it will not be as difficult as suppressing counter-revolutionaries, or the "Three-Anti" and "Five-Anti" campaigns, or three years of economic recovery. Premier Zhou Enlai said that our country's financial foundation this year has increased two and a half times compared to 1950. So, there are difficulties, but through our efforts, by training cadres well and arranging work well, these difficulties can be overcome, and the election work can be done well.

Fourth, will this be beneficial to certain parties, classes, and organizations? Premier Zhou Enlai just said that in our country, the Han nationality is the most numerous, the Communist Party is the most numerous party, the peasant class and the petty bourgeoisie are the most numerous classes, and the trade unions, the Youth League, the Women's Federation, and the peasant associations are the most numerous mass organizations, in terms of their proportion of the national population. So, does this mean that ethnic minorities, less numerous classes (for example, the working class is small in number, and the bourgeoisie is even smaller), less numerous parties, and less numerous organizations will have no place in the government structure, no share of the pie? Will you, being numerous, become kings? No, that is not the case. The draft resolution [6] states that the achievements made over the past three years are due to the "unity and efforts of all nationalities, democratic classes, democratic parties, and people's organizations across the country." So, does this mean that starting this year or next year, we will no longer need the unity and efforts of all nationalities, democratic classes, democratic parties, and people's organizations? No, we still need them. Why? The history of the past three years proves that doing so is beneficial. Therefore, except for counter-revolutionaries and unpatriotic elements, all patriots and those who can be united should be united, and this will always be the case. If we say that we still need unity after three years, then ten years later, when our country enters socialism and the bourgeoisie no longer exists, should we reject someone who was once a capitalist but is now patriotic? Of course not, because he is patriotic! Will the proportion of representative seats be the same as in the previous CPPCC? It will not be exactly the same; there should be some changes. It must take into account both the majority and the minority. Historically, there have been governments that solely catered to the minority, like the Qing government and the Chiang Kai-shek government, which completely catered to the minority. Our focus is on catering to the majority while also catering to the minority. Representative figures from all nationalities, parties, and classes who are loyal to the cause of the people's state, have done work, have achieved considerable results, and have a relatively good attitude towards the people will all have a share. I think that the majority, or even the vast majority, of them will likely be elected by the people. However, you cannot ask me to guarantee it, because that is the people's business, and it is possible for the people to elect you. Of course, we should make appropriate arrangements. Therefore, there is no need to worry about this point. Some people say that from your editorial [7], it seems we will have no share, because that editorial said: only "good" and "necessary" people, which means only the Communist Party will have a share. I say that there are also many bad and unnecessary people within the Communist Party, and if the people are dissatisfied, they will vote them out. Among ethnic minorities, less numerous classes, less numerous parties, and less numerous organizations, there are also many who are good and necessary. The statement in the editorial also needs to be analyzed. Since that editorial was published, there have been some reactions in major cities, and we hope that all attendees will do some explanatory work within the democratic parties. Some people ask, if they are not elected as deputies to the National People's Congress or provincial people's congresses, are there other arrangements? Yes. Can they still do government work? Yes. Do all ministers and vice-ministers of the government have to be elected as deputies? Not necessarily, and it is not necessary. If all ministers, directors of general offices, and even section chiefs are to be elected as deputies, then the people below will say, you can just hold a cadre meeting, why do you need us? So, the majority of representatives should still be people from below, like labor heroes Hao Jianxiu and Li Shunda [8]. They come, attend the meeting, and then go back. Those who are not elected can be arranged to do government work. In short, the central issue is still this: all patriots (as long as they have this qualification) will enter socialism together; we have no reason not to enter socialism with them.

Printed based on the transcript of the speech preserved in the Central Archives.

Notes:
[1] This is Mao Zedong's speech at the 20th meeting of the Central People's Government Council.
[2] Article 12 of the "Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference," adopted by the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference on September 29, 1949, stipulates: "The state power of the People's Republic of China belongs to the people. The organs through which the people exercise state power are the people's congresses and people's governments at all levels. The people's congresses at all levels shall be elected by the people through universal suffrage. The people's congresses at all levels shall elect the people's governments at all levels."
[3] Chen Shutong, at the time a member of the Central People's Government Council and Vice Chairman of the CPPCC National Committee.
[4] Fu Zuoyi, at the time a member of the Central People's Government Council, a member of the CPPCC National Committee, and Minister of Water Resources.
[5] Eisenhower, an American Republican, had been elected President of the United States at the time.
[6] Refers to the draft "Resolution of the Central People's Government Council on Convening the National People's Congress and Local People's Congresses at All Levels" to be adopted at this meeting.
[7] Refers to the "People's Daily" New Year's Day editorial of 1953, "Greeting the Great Tasks of 1953." The editorial, when discussing the convening of the National People's Congress and local people's congresses at all levels and the election of central and local people's governments, stated: "From now on, the broadest propaganda should be carried out among the people, telling them to seriously prepare for this election, so as to elect those whom the people are truly satisfied with and deem necessary as representatives and members of the people's governments."
[8] Hao Jianxiu, born in 1935 in Qingdao, Shandong, was a worker at Qingdao No. 6 National Cotton Mill at the time. In 1951, she was awarded the title of National Industrial Labor Model for creating an advanced working method for cotton spinning frame operators, known as the "Hao Jianxiu Working Method." Li Shunda (1915-1983), from Pingshun, Shanxi, organized the first mutual aid team in the Jin-Ji-Lu-Yu Border Region in Xigou Village, Pingshun County, Shanxi, in 1943, leading the masses to transform the mountainous area from poverty to prosperity by adapting to local conditions. He was twice awarded the title of First-Class Labor Hero of the Taihang Region in 1944 and 1946. In 1951 and 1952, he successively received the First-Class Labor Model Medal and the Patriotic Bumper Harvest Gold Star Medal.