Comments and Revisions on the Draft Explanatory Document for the Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Punishment of Corruption [1] (April 16–17, 1952)  I. After Comrade Enlai has reviewed it, please forward it to Comrade Peng Zhen [2]: Comrade Shaoqi has made some revisions to this document [3], and I have made further, more extensive changes. I believe it is now acceptable. If you both agree with these revisions, kindly ensure that the proofs are carefully corrected before printing. Mao Zedong, 5:00 a.m., April 16 II. Premier Zhou, Comrade Peng Zhen: I have made a few additional revisions, which seem to improve the text. Please review it once more. If it is deemed suitable, it may be sent to press for distribution. Mao Zedong, April 17 Published according to the manuscript.

III. Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, Comrades: The draft Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Punishment of Corruption, having been revised after repeated consultations with various sectors, has been adopted at the 130th Executive Meeting of the Administrative Council of the Central People’s Government. I now submit the following report on the basis for drafting these regulations and on the regulations themselves, for the consideration and approval of the Central People’s Government Committee.

These regulations are formulated in accordance with Article 18 of the Common Program of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, which provides for severe punishment of corruption, as well as with the facts revealed and the experience accumulated during the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns.

The “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns were a great mass movement, carried out under the leadership of Chairman Mao, the Central People’s Government, and the working class, with the broad masses of the people playing a central role, aimed at cleansing the society of the poisonous legacies of the old order.

In recent times, the vast masses throughout the country have waged a vigorous struggle to curb the illegal and disciplinary violations of corrupt elements, to resist the rampant attacks by unlawful bourgeois elements, and to safeguard and implement the line of the Common Program, achieving significant victories. Apart from dealing with a small number of major corrupt officials among state functionaries who have committed gross violations of the law, and a corresponding group of large-scale thieves in the industrial and commercial sectors, this struggle remains, within the framework of the People’s Democratic United Front, a campaign conducted through mass movements and self-criticism, using the principles of the Common Program to reform unhealthy practices both in society and among state employees; it is a struggle by the broad masses upholding the Common Program against those who violate its provisions; it is a contest between the clean, modest, revolutionary work style of conscientious state employees—dedicated to serving the people—and the degenerate, corrupt, wasteful, bureaucratic tendencies of certain elements; and it is a confrontation between lawful private business operations conducted in accordance with the Common Program and state laws, and illegal business activities characterized by bribery, tax evasion, embezzlement of state funds, substandard workmanship, and theft of state economic secrets.

Simply put, apart from the fight against major corruptors and big-time thieves, this is a struggle within the People’s Democratic United Front between two different styles of work and two opposing lines. Following our three major campaigns—the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, land reform, and the suppression of counterrevolutionaries—this represents another mass social reform movement of great historical significance.

During this campaign, phenomena such as corruption, waste, and bureaucracy came to be collectively referred to as the “Three Evils,” while illegal practices like bribery, tax evasion, embezzlement of state property, substandard workmanship, and theft of state economic intelligence were termed the “Five Poisons.” The Five Poisons constitute the primary form of aggressive attack currently being launched by unlawful bourgeois elements against the state and the people, whereas the Three Evils are largely a consequence of such attacks. Of course, the Three Evils also have other historical origins—they are residues of the poison left behind by all exploiters and reactionary rulers of the old society—and the unlawful bourgeoisie today serves as the main social base inheriting and perpetuating these toxins.

For the past three years, we have been preoccupied with suppressing and eliminating the remnants of the U.S.-Kuomintang bandit forces, with resisting U.S. aggression and aiding Korea, and with restoring the economy and culture and promoting various construction projects, leaving us unable to systematically eradicate these harmful influences. It was precisely this gap that allowed thieves within the bourgeoisie and corrupt officials among state employees to collude and run rampant in their criminal activities.

However, this does not mean that all members of the bourgeoisie are equally guilty. Over the past period, judging from conditions in major cities, among the total number of petty bourgeoisie (referring here to independent artisans and family-run businesses that do not employ workers or clerks, excluding street vendors) and the broader bourgeoisie, approximately ten percent were strictly law-abiding; around sixty percent were basically law-abiding but engaged in minor infractions; about twenty-five percent were half-law-abiding and half-law-breaking; and roughly five percent were seriously or completely lawless—these being highly speculative or purely speculative capitalists. Among them, those exhibiting the most extreme and vicious speculation accounted for approximately one percent of all industrial and commercial enterprises—a relatively small proportion.

This last group constitutes what we call the “major thieves,” who are no longer our friends but criminals; therefore, except for those who confess, repent, and demonstrate meritorious service, they must be subjected to legal sanctions. Within the above-mentioned proportions, law-abiding and basically law-abiding households make up about seventy percent of the commercial sector, the majority of whom are petty bourgeois, though there are also a considerable number of bourgeois individuals, including several large merchants.

Under the intense offensive of the unlawful bourgeoisie and the corrosive influence of the old society’s toxic legacy, numerous cases of corruption have emerged among state employees. Among these, the most serious and egregious corrupt officials are likewise a small minority. Such major corruptors are no longer our comrades but rather criminals who steal the wealth of the state and the people; accordingly, except for those who honestly confess, repent, and render meritorious service, they must be purged from our ranks and brought to justice.

Before the commencement of the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns, the problems of corruption among state personnel and theft in the commercial sector were quite severe. However, thanks to the leadership of the Communist Party and the working class, to the tried-and-true, resolute leading cadres instructed by Chairman Mao, and to the ardent support of the broad masses, once Chairman Mao and the Central People’s Government issued the call, the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns were immediately launched nationwide. The working people, revolutionary intellectuals, and dedicated cadres quickly united in response to the national appeal, and even some previously uninvolved officials and businessmen joined forces with us, forming the great united front of the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis.” As a result, major corrupt officials within government organs and large-scale thieves operating in society were completely isolated and subjected to stern punishment and sanctions, effectively halting and correcting the tendency of unlawful bourgeois elements to act in opposition to the interests of the state and the people. At the same time, the bourgeoisie itself, under the leadership and supervision of the working class and bolstered by its own internally law-abiding, progressive, and active components, engaged in a struggle against its own illegal, backward, and passive elements, thereby receiving a comprehensive education.

Through the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns, we can clearly see that our People’s Democratic United Front and the People’s Democratic Dictatorship have been greatly consolidated, that both fiscal and economic conditions have markedly improved, and that the outdated ideas of certain intellectuals detrimental to the people’s cause have either been transformed or are currently undergoing transformation. Now, in order to punish corrupt officials and thieves separately, to consolidate the victories already achieved in the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” campaigns, and to continue our unwavering struggle against all forms of corruption and theft, it has become absolutely necessary to enact a law—namely, the Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Punishment of Corruption, which are the subject of today’s discussion.

Printed in the People’s Daily on April 22, 1952. (Includes Mao Zedong’s revised version) Notes [ ] Mao Zedong made multiple revisions to Peng Zhen’s explanatory document concerning the draft Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Punishment of Corruption. The third section of this text consists of Mao Zedong’s revisions to the portion of the explanatory document discussing the rationale behind the proposed regulations; the passages rewritten by him are typeset in Songti font. [2] Peng Zhen, at that time served as Deputy Director of the Political and Legal Committee of the Administrative Council and Deputy Director of the Central People’s Government’s Commission for Economy Inspection. [3] Refers to Peng Zhen’s explanatory document regarding the draft Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Punishment of Corruption.