The North Atlantic Treaty, to be signed on April 4 by the governments of the United States, Canada, Britain, France, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Portugal, Italy, and other countries, is a pact aimed at provoking a new world war of aggression and thus constitutes a grave threat to human peace and security. In view of the indivisibility of world peace, the shared destiny of all peoples in East and West, and the fact that the governments of the United States, Britain, and other powers are already seeking to extend the North Atlantic model to the Pacific region, China’s democratic parties hereby express their resolute opposition to the North Atlantic Treaty and to any similar aggressive schemes. Our parties condemn the aggressive policies of the U.S. imperialist government and its satellites, which betray the Potsdam Agreement and other instruments safeguarding international peace, flout the United Nations, and thwart the peaceful aspirations of nations and peoples worldwide. We extend our ardent sympathy and steadfast support to the global forces of peace and democracy led by the Soviet Union as they combat the menace of a new war. We firmly believe that this struggle will subject the warmongering imperialists and their lackeys in every country to universal reproach and isolation, thereby dooming the plot for a new world war of aggression to failure. We hold that the world belongs to the people, not to the imperialists and their henchmen. The present rampage and arrogance of imperialism are but transitory; all their machinations, together with themselves, will ultimately be exposed and discarded by the masses. On behalf of the great Chinese people, our democratic parties solemnly declare: Should the imperialist aggressor bloc dare to ignite this reactionary conflagration against humanity, we shall unite the entire nation, honor the immortal testament of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, employ whatever means necessary, and, hand in hand with our ally the Soviet Union and with the peace-loving, democratic forces of all nations, launch a determined offensive against the instigators of war, vanquish the aggressors, overthrow the entire imperialist system, and achieve the liberation of mankind and lasting peace. We are convinced that, should war break out, the imperialist aggressor states will inevitably suffer defeat, while the victimized anti-imperialist nations will surely emerge victorious. This prospect has already been demonstrated to all peoples by the experience of the First World War. Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Mao Zedong Chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang Li Jishen Standing Committee Members of the China Democratic League Shen Junru and Zhang Bojun Executive Director of the China Association for Promoting Democracy Huang Yanpei Executive Director of the China Democratic Promotion Association Ma Xulun Member of the Standing Committee of the Kuomintang League of Friends of the Three People’s Principles Tan Pingshan Chairman of the Central Supervisory Committee of the Chinese Peasants’ and Workers’ Democratic Party Peng Zemin Member of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese People’s Salvation Association Li Zhangda Acting Chairman of the Kuomintang Democratic Promotion Association Cai Tingkai Chairman of the China Zhi Gong Party Chen Qiyu April 3, 1949 People’s Daily, Issue 4, 1949 Joint Statement of China’s Democratic Parties Opposing the North Atlantic Treaty No. 261


Two paths lie before the Nationalist government in Nanjing and its military and political leaders: One is to align themselves with Chiang Kai-shek’s gang of war criminals and their master, U.S. imperialism—this means continuing to oppose the people and perishing alongside Chiang’s criminal clique in the people’s liberation war. The other is to turn toward the people—this entails breaking with Chiang Kai-shek and U.S. imperialism, distinguishing themselves in the people’s liberation war to atone for past sins, and thereby earning the people’s forgiveness and understanding. There is no third way. Within the Li Zongren–He Yingqin government in Nanjing, some individuals persistently choose the former path. Despite their verbal assurances, in practice they intensify preparations for war, continue to betray the nation, and keep oppressing and massacring those who demand genuine peace. They are die-hard loyalists of Chiang Kai-shek. Others profess a willingness to follow the first course, yet they remain unable to take decisive action. A third group consists of wavering figures whose direction remains unclear. They attempt to please both sides while avoiding commitment, neither fully siding with Chiang or U.S. imperialism nor fully joining the people’s democratic camp. They hope to avoid offending Chiang and his American patrons while simultaneously securing the approval and acceptance of the democratic front—but this is an illusion. The facts compel them to adopt a clear stance: it must be one or the other. Though they may imagine that their “middle ground” position will win popular favor, the truth is that if they persist in this delusion, they will fail to gain the trust of anyone and will share the fate of the reactionaries, perhaps even sooner. The Li Zongren–He Yingqin government in Nanjing is essentially a mixture of the first and third groups, with the former constituting only a small minority. Consequently, this government remains, to this day, a tool in the hands of Chiang Kai-shek and the U.S. administration. While its spokespeople strive to convince the public of their “peaceful intentions,” those in power devote far greater effort to protecting reactionary forces, defending the interests of Chiang Kai-shek’s criminal clique, and serving the ambitions of U.S. aggressors. The ostensible peace advocates within the Li Zongren–He Yingqin regime not only refuse, fear, or lack the capacity to distance themselves from Chiang and his inner circle but are utterly dependent on them, constantly reaffirming their loyalty to Chiang and their collaboration with his loyalists. Such a reactionary stance can only provoke the people’s anger, indignation, and condemnation. All members of the reactionary, traitorous Nationalist government in Nanjing, regardless of rank, have the opportunity to redeem themselves by serving the people; however, they cannot possibly expect to earn the populace’s goodwill through such a deeply reactionary posture. Only when they take concrete steps—publicly declaring their break with Chiang Kai-shek in Xiakou, severing ties with his loyalists in Nanjing, Shanghai, Hankou, Chongqing, Guangzhou, and Taiwan, and cutting off relations with Chiang and his American sponsors in Nanjing, Shanghai, Tokyo, and Washington—and then actively implement the Communist Party of China’s Eight Peace Conditions will they truly begin to move closer to the people and stand a chance of gaining their forgiveness.

The tragic incident that occurred in Nanjing on April 1 was no accident; rather, it was the inevitable outcome of a criminal policy of aligning with Chiang Kai-shek and John Leighton Stuart while turning away from the people. It resulted directly from the Li Zongren–He Yingqin government’s efforts to shield Chiang Kai-shek, his loyalists, and U.S. aggressors. Specifically, it stemmed from the absurd propaganda disseminated jointly by Li Zongren, He Yingqin, and Chiang’s inner circle regarding a so-called “equal and honorable peace”—a pretext used to resist the Communist Party’s Eight Peace Conditions, particularly the demand for punishing war criminals. This episode clearly demonstrates that a government pursuing such reactionary policies, even within the very gates of Nanjing, is entirely controlled by Chiang Kai-shek and his loyalists, rather than exercising any independent authority over them. Since the Li Zongren–He Yingqin government has dispatched a delegation to Beijing to negotiate peace with the Communist Party and has expressed its readiness to accept the Party’s Eight Conditions as the basis for talks, any semblance of good faith would require them to begin by addressing the Nanjing massacre: arresting and severely punishing the chief culprit, Chiang En-d k：Yao Ming, as well as the secret agents and thugs operating in Nanjing and Shanghai; and detaining those who vehemently oppose peace, actively sabotage the negotiations, and vigorously prepare—through overt, covert, military, and political means—to resist the People’s Liberation Army’s advance south of the Yangtze River. If the principal culprits remain unpunished, how can national tranquility ever be restored? Unless war criminals are brought to justice, there can be no peace in the country. Is this truth still not evident?

We hereby warn the Nanjing government: if you lack the ability to carry out these actions, then you should assist the People’s Liberation Army as it prepares to cross the river and advance into southern China in doing so. Many individuals possess the potential to make amends and redeem themselves. At this point, empty rhetoric serves no purpose; what matters is taking concrete steps to demonstrate genuine contrition and seek redemption. Only in this way can one escape persecution by Chiang’s loyalists and avoid being forever ostracized by the people. This is your last chance—do not let it slip away. The People’s Liberation Army is about to march south. We are not bluffing: whether or not you sign an agreement accepting the Eight Conditions, the PLA will proceed regardless. Signing such an accord and advancing under its protection offers advantages on several fronts—benefiting the people, the PLA, and the vast ranks of officers and soldiers in the Nationalist government system who wish to atone for past misdeeds, as well as the broader populace. However, it disadvantages Chiang Kai-shek, his loyalists, and the imperialists. Even without signing the agreement, the situation remains much the same: localized negotiations and attempts at resolution will continue. Some fighting may still occur, but it will not be extensive. Across such a vast territory stretching from Xinjiang to Taiwan and along a long frontline, there are only about one million combat troops; there is simply not enough room left for major battles. Whether one signs a comprehensive accord or opts instead for numerous partial agreements, the ultimate outcome for Chiang Kai-shek, his loyalists, and U.S. imperialism—indeed, for all those who perpetuate oppression—is certain destruction. For everyone else—the people, the PLA, the broad ranks of Nationalist troops, and all those within the Nationalist government system who seek to redeem themselves—the prospects are either favorable or comparatively advantageous. Perhaps signing a full-scale agreement might slightly disadvantage both the Nanjing side and ourselves compared to proceeding without one; therefore, we are still striving to secure such an accord. Nevertheless, committing to this comprehensive treaty entails preparing to deal with numerous complications and delays. By choosing instead to conclude many smaller, more focused accords, we could move forward more swiftly. Even so, we remain committed to securing the larger agreement. If the Nanjing government and its delegation are likewise inclined to act, they ought to make a firm decision in the coming days, casting aside all illusions and empty words. We are not forcing them to reach this conclusion. Whether or not the Nanjing government and its delegation choose to take this step is entirely up to them. You may either heed the counsel of Chiang Kai-shek and John Leighton Stuart and remain aligned with them indefinitely, or you may listen to us and join our cause—you retain complete freedom in this choice. However, time is running out: the PLA is poised to march south, leaving little room for indecision.