The unity of the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution—this is how it should be phrased, and this phrasing is better.

It should not be phrased as Comrade Wang Ming did, saying that Mao Zedong Thought "is the concrete application and development of Marxism-Leninism in colonies and semi-colonies." Such a formulation is inappropriate.

Because, according to Wang Ming's formulation, there is a hint of dividing up the "market."

The scope of colonies and semi-colonies in the world is very broad. Once divided, it would seem to imply that Stalin is only in charge of those industrially developed areas, while the colonies and semi-colonies are left to us. Wouldn't that split the "market" of Marxism?

Moreover, we say that the colonies and semi-colonies belong to us, but suppose there is a country that refuses to buy your goods and instead goes directly to Moscow to purchase them—what then?

Furthermore, if it is truth, then it possesses a certain universality and cannot but transcend a certain scope.

For example, take Japan. According to Wang Ming's formulation, it currently falls under our charge, but after U.S. imperialism withdraws in the future, it would then fall under Stalin's charge again. Isn't that a joke?

Of course, we should not rush to think too broadly. First, let us do our own things in China well.

If there are experiences that can be applied to other countries, someone will naturally apply them.

So, do not make such a definition.

Stalin's definition of Leninism emerged in the struggle against the opportunism of the Second International and Zinoviev, in a context of parity.

At that time in Russia, there was the influence of Marx and Lenin, as well as the influence of Zinoviev and the opportunism of the Second International, so such a formulation was necessary.

The prestige of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin is very high in China, and such a problem does not arise here.

Why should we not place Chinese Communists on a par with Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin?

We should widely propagate Marxism, and at the same time, we do not oppose and should not oppose propagating things Chinese.

However, what we are relatively lacking are the theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. Our Party’s theoretical level is low. Although many books have been translated, in reality, the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin have not been well publicized.

Therefore, we should now, throughout China and the world, properly propagate the theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin on materialism, on the party and the state, their political economy, and so forth, and not place Mao on a par with Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin.

We say that what we have is the experience of one country. Such phrasing is very good, and indeed better.

If we place them on a par, it would seem as if we ourselves possess everything, as if we are the masters, and we have invited Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin merely as accompanying guests.

We have not invited them as guests, but as teachers; we are the students.

Regarding scientific matters, one cannot be flippant or compare the size of countries. It cannot be that because Bulgaria is small, or the Soviet Union has only a population of two hundred million, while our country is large, with over four hundred million people, we should take precedence.

Here, quantity does not equal quality.

If we insist on making comparisons, then what about the homeland of Marx, where there is still no revolution today? How should we view that?

Some say that it was Stalin's modesty that his thought is called a doctrine and not an "-ism."

I think this is not the case. It cannot be explained as modesty, but rather because the Soviet Union already had Leninism, and Stalin's thought conformed to this doctrine and was implemented in actual policies.

Otherwise, if there were Leninism and then a Stalinism, there would be two "-isms."

Similarly, if the thought, line, and policies of the Chinese revolution were to be made into yet another "-ism," then there would be several "-isms" in the world, which would be detrimental to the revolution. It is better for us to act as a branch of Marxism-Leninism.

Regarding the twelve must-read books for cadres: in the past, our reading had no fixed scope; many books were translated and distributed. Now, drawing on over twenty years of experience, we deeply understand the necessity of reading these twelve books. It is stipulated that they should be read once or twice within three years.

For propagating Marxism and raising our level of Marxism, we should have a common understanding, yet many of our senior cadres still lack a common understanding on this issue.

If within the next three years, 30,000 people finish reading these twelve books and 3,000 people thoroughly master them, that would be very good.

On the relationship between the October Revolution and the Chinese revolution: the October Revolution was the first greatest victory of humanity in the era of proletarian revolution; the Second World War’s defeat of German, Italian, and Japanese imperialism was the second greatest victory; and the Chinese revolution is the third greatest victory.

The sequence of history is arranged in this order.

It is inconceivable that the victory of the Chinese revolution could have been achieved without the October Revolution and the victory of the anti-fascist Second World War.

Without the October Revolution, the victory of the Chinese revolution would have been impossible.

In the era when the imperialist system exists, no revolution in any country can succeed without international assistance.

Even when the Soviet Union was implementing its third five-year plan, Stalin still spoke of the issue in this way, because although the Soviet Union had achieved victory domestically, the problem of foreign intervention had not been eliminated, and it remains so today.

In assessing the situation, we are certain to win; socialism is certain to win—this is the overall trend and possibility.

But victory is only counted when the final triumph is achieved, and the same applies to the Chinese revolution.

Moreover, consolidation after victory is impossible without the assistance of the foreign proletariat.

To believe that victory can be achieved without the assistance of the international proletariat is incorrect and contrary to Marxism-Leninism.

We cannot imagine that the Chinese revolution could have succeeded without the Soviet Union and without the workers' movements in Europe and America drawing the forces of U.S. imperialism westward.

I say that the air in the East is relatively thin, while the atmospheric pressure in the West is very heavy. We broke through in the East, at the weakest link in the chain of imperialist power.

The same is true for the consolidation of the Chinese revolution after victory. The imperialists want to destroy us, and without the assistance of the proletariat of all countries, first and foremost the Soviet Union, consolidation is impossible.

Naturally, while we receive help, we must also be ready at all times to help others.

This is internationalism.

Sino-Soviet relations are close fraternal relations. We and the Soviet Union should stand on the same front and be allies. Whenever an opportunity arises, we should publicly issue statements to explain this point.

Now, we must also explain this point to non-Party personages and carry out such propaganda.

The great significance of the victory of the Chinese revolution should be propagated widely among the people of the whole country and throughout the entire Party.

But at the same time, we should not be arrogant. Looking at the future construction of a new China, the road is still very long, while the victory in the revolutionary war is only a very short journey and is merely the beginning of things.

"Achieving everything in one campaign"—I said this with reference to the revolution that involves bloodshed, that is, the revolution involving bloodshed will occur only once. In the future, when the new-democratic revolution transforms into the socialist revolution, it will not require bloodshed and may be resolved peacefully.

But this is only a possibility. Whether it will indeed be without bloodshed in the future depends on how hard we work.

If the state, and primarily the People’s Liberation Army and our Party, become corrupted, and the proletariat cannot firmly grasp the state power, then there will still be problems.

As for "achieving everything in one campaign politically and economically," it cannot be said that way. Comrade Wang Ming was wrong to say this.

How to help Comrade Wang Ming correct his mistakes? Many comrades have spoken; Comrade Wang Ming's speech was very poor.

The latter half of his speech yesterday showed some progress.

The problem is that he has now lost initiative and is passive. The reason is that he lacks self-criticism and is unwilling to admit his mistakes and their fundamental points.

His "initiative" still harkens back to the Fourth Plenary Session and the December Meeting, but those were erroneous and have already been criticized. That was a complete erroneous line, with both "Left" and Right elements.

The emergence of such an erroneous line in China was probably inevitable; it is a reflection of social phenomena within the Party.

As for whether Wang Ming had personal ambitions, he does not admit to this, and I see no absolute necessity to force him to admit it.

But he has admitted to individualism, which means not putting the interests of the people first, but putting personal interests first.

Actually, when individualism becomes an "-ism," that is quite something.

Personal ambition—he feels it is not easy to admit. In reality, he was the commander-in-chief of both erroneous lines, during the civil war period and the anti-Japanese war period. Although he did not have the titles of general secretary or commander-in-chief, and his titles were only something like committee member and so on, that is immaterial.

In essence, he attempted to reshape the Party according to his own image, which manifested as a petty-bourgeois form during the civil war and a bourgeois form during the anti-Japanese war.

This phenomenon has also occurred in other countries around the world.

This is not a personal issue but reflects the thinking of a section of society, with Wang Ming as their representative within the Party.

The erroneous line during the civil war period, to be complete, was the Wang Ming-Bo Gu line; for brevity, it can also be called the Wang Ming line.

The commander-in-chief of the erroneous line during the anti-Japanese war period was Wang Ming, shouldering it single-handedly.

The commander-in-chief of the Li Lisan line was Li Lisan, not Xiang Zhongfa, although Xiang Zhongfa was the general secretary.

That is the actual situation.

The Wang Ming line was "Left" during the civil war period and Right during the anti-Japanese war period, but its lineup underwent some changes.

Wang Jiaxiang and Luo Fu became aware at the Zunyi Meeting; after the Sixth Plenary Session, Bo Gu and others also became aware. Through the rectification movement and the study of the line, these comrades became even more aware, but Wang Ming still has not realized his errors.

At the Seventh Congress, Wang Ming wrote a statement, but two months later he said it was written under duress and wanted to disavow it.

Even in this speech, he has not yet realized his errors.

In the latter half of his speech yesterday, he spoke some plain truth. We welcome this bit of progress and will see how he acts in the future.

Within the Party, some people once wanted to reshape the Party to suit their own tastes, but they failed to achieve their aim. Yet, if they had achieved their aim, it would have been disastrous.

The nature of this problem is the reflection of class struggle in society within the Party.

The rectification movement heightened the consciousness of comrades and shrank the market for dogmatism.

Some say this is a conspiracy to supplant.

In fact, it is not a conspiracy but an open plot, and it also aims to supplant.

Wang Ming attacked the "Left," the "Center," and the Right within the Party simultaneously. He attacked the "Left" faction (opposing the Li Lisan line), then attacked the "Center" faction (opposing Zhou Enlai's and Qu Qiubai's "conciliation line"), and after attacking the "Center," he attacked the Right faction, virtually wiping out the veteran members.

Many people speak of usurping the Party, usurping the army, and usurping the government—these things did indeed happen. They began from the Fourth Plenary Session, not the Fifth Plenary Session, and continued until Wang Ming was in the Comintern, until his return from the Soviet Union, and up to the Sixth Plenary Session.

At the Sixth Plenary Session, a drop of alcohol shrank the microbe.

There were two imperial envoys. One was Wang Ming, who returned in November 1937 and conveyed the so-called "Communist International line"; the other was Wang Jiaxiang, who returned in the summer of 1938 and also conveyed an international line, but the one he conveyed differed from Wang Ming's "Communist International line."

Wang Jiaxiang brought back the international documents, which became a drop of alcohol. When applied, the microbe shrank.

After the rectification movement, the microbe shrank even more, and blind faith was dispelled.

But in Wang Ming's mind, the microbe still exists and has not been sterilized.

I agree that Wang Ming should write something.

Bo Gu, Luo Fu, and others have all written in the past.

What is written is not a final verdict; afterwards, there is complete freedom to overturn it entirely or partially amend it. It is not like the past, where signatures were forced and the case was set in stone.

Should a time limit be set? I think so. As in the past, without a time limit, it is probably inappropriate.

I think we can set a time limit of one month, but we need to hear Wang Ming’s own opinion on this matter.

(Wang Ming said: One month is fine.)

The time spent moving to Beiping during this period will not be counted.

From now on, we must continue to follow the principle of "learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient." Any comrade who has made mistakes within the Party should still be assigned work. We must not only welcome them to take the initiative to speak with us, but also reach out to them and do our work with them.

Within our Party, many comrades understand that we should work with figures like Fu Zuoyi and with democratic individuals, but as soon as someone bears the label of "Communist Party member," we stop doing work with them—this is not good. For those comrades who have made mistakes, we must still continue our work with them.

The system of people's congresses and the system of Party congresses—let me elaborate. We do not adopt the parliamentary system of a bourgeois republic but rather the Soviet system of a proletarian republic. The people’s congress is essentially the Soviet. Naturally, in terms of content, our system differs from the Soviet system of the proletarian dictatorship in the Soviet Union. Ours is a people’s Soviet based on the worker-peasant alliance. We do not use the foreign term "Soviet" but call it the people’s congress. The Soviet was created by the Russian people and further developed by Lenin.

In China, because the parliamentary system of the bourgeois republic has already become discredited among the people, we do not adopt it. Instead, we adopt the political system of a socialist state. Complementing the system of people's congresses, there is also the system of Party congresses. This Second Plenary Session, by its nature, is itself a Party congress, but the format of this enlarged Central Committee plenum allows for more thorough discussion of issues and resolves problems more effectively than a congress of one or two thousand people.

Printed based on the speech record preserved in the Central Archives.

Notes
1. Mao Zedong’s concluding remarks at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China consist of ten sections. Among them, the second section, "On the Party Committee System," has been included in Volume IV of the *Selected Works of Mao Zedong* under the title "Methods of Work of Party Committees." What is selected here are the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and ninth sections. The subheadings in the text have been added by the editor.
2. Wang Ming, also known as Chen Shaoyu (1904–1974), was a native of Jinzhai, Anhui. He joined the Communist Party of China in 1925. Starting from the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC in January 1931, he served as a member of the Central Committee and the Political Bureau of the CPC. In November 1931, he went to Moscow as the representative of the CPC to the Communist International. He was the main representative of the "Left" adventurist errors within the CPC from January 1931 to the Zunyi Conference in January 1935. After returning to China in November 1937, he served as Secretary of the Yangtze River Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. At the beginning of the War of Resistance Against Japan, he proposed many Right-leaning capitulationist ideas. He trusted the Kuomintang more than the Communist Party, did not dare to fully mobilize the masses, did not dare to boldly develop the people’s army, and did not dare to expand the liberated areas in Japanese-occupied regions, advocating that "everything must pass through the united front" and handing over the leadership of the anti-Japanese war to the Kuomintang. Since the correct line represented by Mao Zedong was already dominant throughout the Party, Wang Ming’s errors only briefly affected certain local areas. He long refused the Party’s criticism and help, remained in the Soviet Union after 1956, and wrote articles attacking the Communist Party of China.
3. In his 1924 lecture, "The Foundations of Leninism," Stalin said: "Leninism is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. To be more precise, Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general and the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular." (*Selected Works of Stalin*, Vol. I, People’s Publishing House, 1979 edition, p. 185)
4. Zinoviev (1883–1936) was the leader of the "New Opposition" in the Soviet Union. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1901, participated in the 1905 Revolution, and was elected a member of the Central Committee in 1907. After the October Revolution, he served successively as a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, and Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. In 1925, he organized the "New Opposition" and later formed an alliance with Trotsky. In 1927, he was expelled from the Party. He was executed in 1936. In 1988, the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union overturned his sentence and declared him innocent before the law, the state, and the people.
5. This refers to the twelve works that the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC stipulated as required reading for cadres studying Marxism-Leninism, namely: *History of Social Development*, *Political Economy*, *The Communist Manifesto*, *Socialism: Utopian and Scientific*, *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism*, *The State and Revolution*, *"Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder*, *The Foundations of Leninism*, *History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)*, *Lenin and Stalin on Socialist Construction*, *Lenin and Stalin on China*, and *Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin on the Methodology of Thought*.
6. This refers to the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in Shanghai on January 7, 1931. With the support of the Communist International and its representative, Mif, Wang Ming and others secured leadership positions in the CPC Central Committee through this session, beginning a period of over four years during which "Left" adventurist errors dominated the Party.
7. This refers to the meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held in Yan’an from December 9 to 14, 1937. At the meeting, Wang Ming claimed to represent the international line; in his speech, he fundamentally denied the policies and principles established at the Luochuan Conference of the CPC Central Committee in August 1937 and put forward many Right-leaning capitulationist proposals. His erroneous views did not result in any formal resolution of the meeting.
8. Bo Gu, also known as Qin Bangxian (1907–1946), was a native of Wuxi, Jiangsu. From September 1931 to January 1935, he served as the principal leader of the CPC Provisional Central Committee and the Central Committee following its Fifth Plenary Session. During this period, he committed serious "Left" adventurist errors. After the Zunyi Conference, he was removed from the highest leadership positions in the Party and the Red Army. In the early period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, he worked successively in the Yangtze River Bureau and the Southern Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. After 1941, under Mao Zedong’s leadership, he founded and managed *Liberation Daily* and Xinhua News Agency in Yan’an. He conducted self-criticism for his past mistakes. At the Seventh National Congress of the CPC in 1945, he was re-elected as a member of the Central Committee. In February 1946, he went to Chongqing to participate in negotiations with the Kuomintang. He died in a plane crash on April 8 while returning to Yan’an.
9. Li Lisan (1899–1967) was a native of Liling, Hunan. From 1929, he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and head of the Central Propaganda Department. During his tenure in the leadership of the CPC Central Committee, he committed "Left" adventurist errors from June to September 1930. Later, he accepted the Party’s criticism of his errors, recognized them, and corrected them. At the Seventh National Congress of the CPC in 1945, he was re-elected as a member of the Central Committee.
10. Xiang Zhongfa (1880–1931) was a native of Hanchuan, Hubei. From July 1928, he served as Chairman of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Chairman of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. In 1930, he followed Li Lisan in implementing "Left" adventurist errors.
11. Wang Jiaxiang (1906–1974) was a native of Jingxian, Anhui. In the spring of 1931, he entered the Jiangxi revolutionary base area as a member of the delegation of the CPC Central Committee, serving as a member of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area of the CPC and Director of the General Political Department of the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army. In January 1934, at the Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC, he was elected an alternate member of the Central Committee and an alternate member of the Political Bureau. At the Zunyi Conference in January 1935, he supported and upheld Mao Zedong’s correct proposals. After the conference, together with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, he formed the three-member military leadership group of the Central Committee, leading the Red Army in continuing the Long March. In November 1937, he served as the CPC representative to the Communist International and returned to Yan’an in the summer of 1938. He later served as Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Commission of the CPC Central Committee, Director of the General Political Department, and concurrently Director of the Political Department of the Eighth Route Army. In 1944, he took leave to recuperate due to recurrent injuries and illness. At the Seventh National Congress of the CPC in 1945, he was elected an alternate member of the Central Committee. Luo Fu, also known as Zhang Wentian (1900–1976), was a native of Nanhui, Jiangsu (now part of Shanghai). In September 1931, he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Provisional Central Committee. In January 1933, he entered the Central Revolutionary Base Area. In January 1934, at the Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC, he was elected a member of the Political Bureau, and in February, he was appointed Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese Soviet Republic. At the Zunyi Conference in January 1935, he supported and upheld Mao Zedong’s correct proposals and drafted the conference resolution for the CPC Central Committee. After the conference, acting on the division of responsibilities determined by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, he succeeded Bo Gu with overall responsibility for the Central Committee.
12. Qu Qiubai (1899–1935) was a native of Changzhou, Jiangsu. He joined the Communist Party of China in 1922 and was among the early leaders of the Party. At the critical moment following the failure of the Great Revolution in 1927, he, together with Li Weihan, convened the August 7th Conference. Thereafter, he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Provisional Central Committee, presiding over central work. From November 1927 to April 1928, he committed "Left" putschist errors. In September 1930, together with Zhou Enlai, he convened the Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC, correcting Li Lisan’s "Left" adventurist errors. At the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee in 1931, he was attacked by Wang Ming’s "Left" dogmatist and factional elements and was excluded from the central leadership of the Party. In February 1935, during transfer from Jiangxi to Fujian, he was arrested by the Kuomintang and executed on June 18 in Changting, Fujian.
13. From June to September 1930, Li Lisan committed "Left" adventurist errors while in charge of the central leadership of the CPC. In August of the same year, Zhou Enlai and Qu Qiubai were sent by the Executive Committee of the Communist International to return to China from Moscow to correct Li Lisan’s errors. In late September, the Communist Party of China convened the enlarged Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee in Shanghai. This session identified Li Lisan’s mistakes, halted his and others’ adventurist actions of organizing nationwide general uprisings and concentrating Red Army forces to attack major cities, and resolved to restore the independent organization and regular work of the Party, the Youth League, and trade unions. Thus, the reign of Li Lisan’s "Left" adventurist errors in the central leadership was brought to an end. However, the session considered that Li Lisan had only committed "individual tactical, practical, and organizational errors," displaying a certain spirit of compromise and conciliation. This point was later escalated by Wang Ming and others into accusations of "conciliationism" and a "conciliationist line."
14. This refers to the Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in Ruijin, Jiangxi, in mid-January 1934. The session erroneously concluded that a "direct revolutionary situation" already existed in China and that the fifth counter-encirclement campaign was precisely a "struggle to secure the complete victory of the revolution," pushing the "Left" errors to their zenith.

--- Notes

15. This refers to the enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in Yan’an from September 29 to November 6, 1938. The session endorsed the line of the Central Political Bureau represented by Mao Zedong and essentially overcame Wang Ming’s Right-leaning capitulationist errors.

16. Fu Zuoyi was formerly the Commander-in-Chief of the Kuomintang Army’s North China "Bandit Suppression" General Headquarters. In January 1949, he led his forces to accept peaceful reorganization by the People’s Liberation Army, contributing to the peaceful liberation of Beiping and Suiyuan.