Distinguished Delegates: The Preparatory Committee for our New Political Consultative Conference convenes today. The task of this committee is to complete all necessary preparations, promptly convene the New Political Consultative Conference, and establish a Democratic United Government, so as to lead the entire nation in swiftly wiping out the remnants of the Kuomintang reactionaries, reunifying China, and systematically and step by step undertaking political, economic, cultural, and defense construction throughout the country. The people of the whole nation expect us to do this; therefore, we must do it.

The New Political Consultative Conference was proposed by the Communist Party of China on May 1, 1948, to the people of the whole nation. This proposal quickly received support from all democratic parties across the country, various people’s organizations, democratic personages from all walks of life, domestic ethnic minorities, and overseas Chinese compatriots. The Communist Party of China, the democratic parties, the people’s organizations, democratic personages from all sectors, domestic ethnic minorities, and overseas Chinese all believe that it is imperative to overthrow imperialism, feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism, and the rule of the Kuomintang reactionaries; that a political consultative conference comprising representatives of all democratic parties, people’s organizations, democratic personages from all sectors, domestic ethnic minorities, and overseas Chinese should be convened to proclaim the founding of the People’s Republic of China and to elect a democratic united government representing this republic. Only in this way can our great motherland break free from its semi-colonial and semi-feudal fate and embark on a path of independence, freedom, peace, unity, and strength. This constitutes a common political foundation—a common political basis for the united struggle of the Communist Party of China, the democratic parties, the people’s organizations, democratic personages from all sectors, domestic ethnic minorities, and overseas Chinese, as well as for the united struggle of the entire nation. This political foundation is so solid that not a single serious democratic party, people’s organization, or democratic personage has put forward any dissenting views. Everyone agrees that this is the only correct path to resolving all of China’s problems.

The people of the whole nation have supported their People’s Liberation Army and achieved victory in the war. This great People’s Liberation War began in July 1946 and has now been raging for three years. It was initiated by the Kuomintang reactionaries with the assistance of foreign imperialists. Breaking their promises, the Kuomintang reactionaries tore up the January 1946 armistice agreement and the resolutions of the Political Consultative Conference and launched this anti-people civil war. However, in just three short years, they were defeated by the valiant People’s Liberation Army. Not long ago, after the Kuomintang reactionaries’ peace ploy was exposed, the People’s Liberation Army pressed forward mightily and crossed the Yangtze River. The Kuomintang capital, Nanjing, was captured. Shanghai, Hangzhou, Nanchang, Wuhan, and Xi’an have all been liberated. Now, the various field armies of the People’s Liberation Army are advancing into the southern and northwestern provinces. To date, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army has destroyed 5.59 million Kuomintang troops. As of now, the remaining Kuomintang forces—comprising regular units, irregular formations, rear-area military organs, and military academies—number only about 1.5 million. It will still take some time to wipe out these residual enemy forces, but that day is not far off.

This is a victory for the Chinese people and for peoples around the world. Throughout the globe, except for imperialists and various reactionary forces, all are rejoicing at this great triumph of the Chinese people. The struggle of the Chinese people against their enemies and the struggle of peoples worldwide against their own enemies share the same significance. The people of China and the people of the world alike have witnessed the fact that imperialists have directed Chinese reactionaries to wage a brutal counter-revolutionary war against the Chinese people, while the Chinese people, through revolutionary war, have triumphantly overthrown the reactionaries. Here, I feel it necessary to draw attention to the following: imperialists and their lackey, the Chinese reactionaries, will never accept their defeat on Chinese soil. They will continue to collude with one another and employ every possible means to oppose the Chinese people—for example, by sending their agents to infiltrate China to sow discord and cause disturbances. This is inevitable; they will certainly not abandon such efforts. For instance, they may incite Chinese reactionaries, even adding their own forces, to blockade Chinese seaports. As long as it remains feasible, they will do so. Moreover, if they choose to take risks, it is not impossible for them to dispatch troops to harass China’s borders. We must fully anticipate all of these possibilities. We must never relax our vigilance against the frenzied revenge plots hatched by imperialist elements and their lackeys simply because we have achieved victory. Anyone who lowers his guard in this regard will disarm himself politically and place himself in a passive position. Under these circumstances, the people of the whole nation must unite firmly to crush any and all schemes contrived by imperialists and their Chinese lackey reactionaries to oppose the Chinese people. China must be independent; China must be liberated; matters concerning China must be decided and handled by the Chinese people themselves, without allowing any imperialist power the slightest interference. The Chinese revolution is a revolution of the broad masses of the people. With the exception of imperialists, feudal lords, the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, the Kuomintang reactionaries, and their accomplices, everyone else is our friend. We have a vast and solid revolutionary united front. This united front is so broad that it encompasses the working class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. It is so solid that it possesses the unwavering will and inexhaustible capacity to vanquish any enemy and overcome any difficulty. We now live in an era when the imperialist system is heading toward total collapse. Imperialists have already fallen into an inescapable crisis. No matter how much longer they continue to oppose the Chinese people, the Chinese people will always find a way to achieve final victory. At the same time, we hereby declare to the world: we oppose only the imperialist system and its conspiratorial schemes against the Chinese people. Any foreign government that is willing to sever ties with the Chinese reactionaries and cease supporting them will find the People’s Republic of China ready to engage in diplomatic relations based on the principles of equality, mutual benefit, and mutual respect for territorial sovereignty. The Chinese people stand ready to conduct friendly cooperation with peoples of all nations, restore and develop international trade, and thereby promote production and economic prosperity.

Distinguished delegates, all conditions are now ripe for us to convene the New Political Consultative Conference and establish a Democratic United Government. The people of the whole nation are eagerly awaiting our convening of the conference and the formation of the government. I am confident that the work we are beginning now will fulfill this aspiration, and that it will not take long to do so. Once the Chinese Democratic United Government is established, its primary tasks will be: (1) to eliminate the remnants of the reactionaries and suppress their disruptive activities; and (2) to devote every possible effort to restoring and developing the people’s economy, while simultaneously reviving and expanding cultural and educational undertakings. The Chinese people will see that once the destiny of China is placed in the hands of the people themselves, China will rise like the sun in the East, shining forth with radiant brilliance, swiftly cleansing away the filth left behind by the reactionary regime, healing the wounds of war, and building a new, robust, truly worthy People’s Democratic Republic of China.

Long live the People’s Democratic Republic of China!  Long live the Democratic United Government!
Long live the great unity of the people of the whole nation!
Oo People’s Daily (Beijing Edition) (Speeches by Chairman Mao Zedong and six others at the Preparatory Meeting of the New Political Consultative Conference, June 2, 1949 CO
From the Masses (Hong Kong), Volume 3, Issue 26, June 12, 1949 Three Women: Reference Materials on the History of the Communist Party of China, Volume 5


The designs of the flag and emblem of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army are hereby announced as follows: The flag of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army shall be red, emblazoned with a golden five-pointed star and the characters “August 1,” signifying that since its birth from the Nanchang Uprising on August 1, 1927, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, after prolonged struggle, now shines its brilliant light across the nation. A) Method of Manufacture: (1) The flag shall have a red field, rectangular in shape, with proportions of five parts width to four parts height. The flagpole sleeve shall be white, its width equal to one-sixteenth of the flag’s horizontal dimension. The flagpole itself shall feature alternating red and yellow spiral stripes, topped by a yellow spearhead. (2) Draw a vertical midline from the center of the flag downward and upward, and a horizontal midline from left to right, dividing the flag into four equal rectangular sections. (3) The five-pointed star and the characters “August 1” shall both be golden yellow, positioned within the upper section nearest the flagpole. (4) Divide this upper section into sixteen equal vertical strips and ten equal horizontal strips. At the eighth division point vertically and the sixth division point horizontally, designate a central point and, using a radius equivalent to one-fourth of the strip length, draw a circle. Connect the five equally spaced points on the circumference to form a five-pointed star, with the star’s apex directly above the central point. (5) The characters “August 1” shall be written in standard Chinese calligraphy, each stroke being a straight line of uniform length. When the flagpole is on the left side, these two characters shall be placed to the lower right of the star and written horizontally from left to right. When the flagpole is on the right side, the two characters shall be positioned to the lower left of the star and written horizontally from right to left. (6) Each stroke of the character “eight” shall be three times the width of a single strip, set within a small rectangular compartment. The upper edge of this compartment shall be seven divisions above the horizontal midline, while the lower edge shall be four divisions above it. The left side (or right side, if the flagpole is on the right) shall be defined by a vertical line extending downward from the upper-right corner of the star (or the upper-left corner, if applicable). The right side (or left side) shall be located four and a half divisions away from the vertical midline. The outer six corners of the “eight” shall closely adjoin the corresponding edges of the small compartment, while the inner two corners shall be approximately half a division apart. The character “one” shall be four divisions long and one division wide, situated below the horizontal midline by five divisions either to the right or to the left, precisely along the central axis. B) Dimensions of Flags at Different Levels: (1) Headquarters of the People’s Liberation Army: 70 cm wide, 136 cm high. (2) Field Armies (equivalent to first-level military regions) and Corps (equivalent to second-level military regions): 65 cm wide, 131 cm high. (3) Divisions (equivalent to third-level military regions): 60 cm wide, 118 cm high. (4) Brigades (equivalent to county command posts or armed forces departments): 55 cm wide, 114 cm high. (5) Regiments (equivalent to district command posts or armed forces offices): 50 cm wide, 110 cm high. Second, the Emblem The emblem of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army consists of a five-pointed red star bordered in gold, with the golden characters “August 1” embedded in its center. A) When used as a cap badge, the emblem shall be manufactured and sized as follows: (1) The radius of the red star’s circumference shall be 15 millimeters (slightly raised to form a convex shape about one millimeter high). Each of the star’s five points shall measure 36 degrees, surrounded by a golden border 5 millimeters wide. (2) The characters “August 1” shall be rendered in Song typeface and appropriately positioned within the star. B) When used as an armband, on awards, official documents, vehicles, ships, aircraft, and buildings, the emblem shall be scaled up or down according to the aforementioned proportional dimensions. Chairman of the Chinese Revolutionary Military Commission Mao Zedong Vice Chairmen Zhu De Liu Shaoqi Zhou Enlai Peng Dehuai June 15, 1949 July 1, 1949 This date marks the eighteenth anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. Like a human being, it has passed through infancy, youth, maturity, and old age. The Communist Party of China is no longer a child or a young adolescent; it has become an adult. Just as humans eventually reach old age and pass away, so too will political parties. Classes will be abolished, and all instruments of class struggle—the state apparatus and the machinery of governance—will gradually decline and disappear as they lose their function and necessity, thus concluding their historical mission and giving way to a higher stage of human society. We differ from bourgeois political parties, which shy away from acknowledging the abolition of classes, the dissolution of state power, and the demise of the party itself. We, however, openly declare that it is precisely to pave the way for these very abolitions that we have created the conditions and tirelessly striven. The dictatorship of the proletariat and the state power under communist rule constitute such conditions. One cannot be a communist without recognizing this truth. Young comrades who have recently joined the Party without having studied Marxism-Leninism may not yet fully grasp this principle. They must understand it to develop a correct worldview. They must realize that the abolition of classes, the abolition of state power, and the abolition of the party are paths that all humanity must follow; the only questions are timing and specific conditions. Those who advocate for a more radical leftist stance often possess a broader perspective. Bourgeoisie, on the other hand, resist this truth because they fear being overthrown. Being overthrown—such as the recent ousting of the Kuomintang reactionaries by us, or the earlier downfall of Japanese imperialists—is painful and undesirable. Therefore, they seek mechanisms that would allow classes, state power, and political parties to dissolve naturally, leading humanity toward a unified global community. To clarify the issues we will discuss below, let me briefly touch upon this vision of human progress. Our Party has traversed eighteen years, and as you know, this journey has not been peaceful. We have fought against enemies both at home and abroad, amidst challenging circumstances. Thanks to Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, we have been equipped with powerful ideological weapons—namely, Marxism-Leninism. In 1910, Lenin wrote in his book Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder, detailing the Russian people’s arduous search for revolutionary theory. Over several decades, Russians endured immense hardship before finally discovering Marxism. Many aspects of China’s situation mirrored or closely resembled that of pre-October Revolution Russia: the oppression of feudalism was identical, and both countries lagged significantly in economic and cultural development. Both nations were backward—though China was even more so. Yet, progressive individuals in China, determined to revive their country, tirelessly sought revolutionary truths. Since China’s defeat in the Opium Wars of 1840, pioneering Chinese intellectuals had made repeated, difficult journeys to the West in pursuit of enlightenment. Figures such as Hong Xiuquan, Kang Youwei, Yan Fu, and Sun Yat-sen exemplified those who sought Western ideas prior to the emergence of the Communist Party of China. Back then, Chinese reformers devoured any new theories coming from the West, regardless of their source. The number of students sent to Japan, Britain, the United States, France, and Germany reached astonishing levels. Domestically, the imperial examination system was abolished, and schools sprang up like mushrooms after rain, with fervent study of Western learning. Even I, during my youth, devoted myself to such pursuits. These represented the culture of Western bourgeois democracy—so-called “new learning”—including social doctrines and natural sciences—which stood in stark contrast to China’s traditional “old learning.” Over time, proponents of “new learning” developed a strong conviction that it could save China, whereas adherents of “old learning” remained skeptical. To effect national rejuvenation, one needed reform; and to pursue reform, one had to learn from foreign countries. At that time, only Western capitalist nations were considered progressive, successfully constructing modern bourgeois states. Inspired by Japan’s successful modernization, many Chinese hoped to emulate it. However, Russia was widely perceived as backward, and few desired to study there. Such was the context of Chinese engagement with foreign ideas from the 1840s through the early 20th century. Imperialist aggression shattered Chinese hopes of learning from the West. Strangely enough, why do foreign powers persistently invade? Despite extensive efforts by the Chinese to absorb Western knowledge, practical implementation proved elusive, and idealistic aspirations repeatedly came to naught. National conditions deteriorated daily, forcing people to endure increasingly unbearable living conditions. Doubts arose, grew, and ultimately took root. World War I shook the entire world. The October Revolution in Russia gave birth to the world’s first socialist state. The immense revolutionary energy of the Russian proletariat and working people, long concealed from foreign eyes, erupted under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, profoundly altering perceptions of Russia among the Chinese and people worldwide. It was only then that a new era dawned in Chinese thought and practice. By embracing Marxism-Leninism—a universal truth applicable everywhere—the face of China began to transform. The introduction of Marxist thought to China occurred through Russian mediation. Prior to the October Revolution, Chinese people were largely unfamiliar with Lenin, Stalin, and even Marx and Engels. It was the thunderous blast of the October Revolution that brought Marxism-Leninism to China. The revolution not only inspired progressives worldwide but also provided Chinese intellectuals with a proletarian worldview, prompting them to reassess their understanding of national destiny. Following the Russian path became the logical conclusion. In 1919, the May Fourth Movement swept across China. In 1921, the Communist Party of China was formally established. Desperate and disillusioned, Sun Yat-sen encountered the October Revolution and the nascent Communist Party. He welcomed both the Russian revolution and the assistance it extended to the Chinese people, expressing eagerness to collaborate with the newly formed Communist Party. After Sun Yat-sen’s death, Chiang Kai-shek rose to power. Over the course of eleven tumultuous years, Chiang dragged China into a dire predicament. During this period, the First Anti-Fascist World War, led primarily by the Soviet Union, toppled three major imperialist powers and weakened two others, leaving only the United States as a dominant imperialist force. However, the United States itself faced profound internal crises. It sought to dominate the world, providing weapons to aid Chiang Kai-shek in massacring millions of Chinese workers and peasants after expelling Japanese imperialism. For three long years, Chiang waged a brutal counterrevolution against the Chinese people, employing tactics learned from these reactionary forces. Zhu Xi, a philosopher of the Song Dynasty, authored numerous works and uttered many profound sayings, most of which have since faded into obscurity—except for one: “Return unto them that which they have done unto you.” This is precisely what we have done: we have countered the methods employed by imperialists and their puppet, Chiang Kai-shek, using those very same tactics against them. There is no other way. This lesson is crucial. If revolutionary forces fail to master this approach to confronting counterrevolutionary rule, they risk losing power to internal and external reactionaries, who could potentially restore a reactionary regime in China, plunging the revolution into chaos. The foundation of the People’s Democratic Dictatorship lies in the alliance between the working class, the peasantry, and the urban petty bourgeoisie—with the working class and farmers forming the core of this coalition—since these two groups comprise eighty to ninety percent of China’s population. It was primarily the strength of these two classes that toppled imperialism and the Kuomintang reactionaries. Transitioning from New Democracy to Socialism likewise relies heavily on the solidarity of these two classes. The People’s Democratic Dictatorship requires the leadership of the working class, as only the working class possesses the broadest vision, selfless dedication, and revolutionary thoroughness necessary for success. The entirety of revolutionary history attests to this fact: without the leadership of the working class, revolutions invariably fail; with it, they triumph. In the era of imperialism, no other class in any country can legitimately lead a genuine revolution to victory. The repeated failures of the national bourgeoisie to spearhead revolutionary movements serve as clear evidence of this reality. That said, the national bourgeoisie does hold significant importance at present. We must contend with the formidable presence of imperialism—an adversary of unparalleled ferocity. x4^s xlhxf xlm xiIEX:l;办lx,i x^s xll.ir'Flw Only when China’s industrial sector has sufficiently developed and the country achieves economic independence from foreign influence can true independence be realized. Currently, however, modern industry accounts for a minuscule fraction—perhaps only around ten percent—of China’s overall national economic output. To counter imperialist oppression and elevate China’s lagging economic status, we must harness all urban and rural capitalist factors beneficial to national welfare, uniting the national bourgeoisie in a collective struggle. Our current policy emphasizes moderating capitalism rather than outright abolishing it. Nevertheless, the national bourgeoisie cannot assume the role of revolutionary leader, nor should it occupy a dominant position within the state apparatus. The reason for this lies in the socio-economic constraints inherent to the national bourgeoisie: their limited vision, insufficient courage, and widespread apprehension regarding popular sentiment. Sun Yat-sen advocated for “mobilizing the masses” or “supporting farmers and workers.” But whom exactly did he mean by “mobilizing” and “supporting”? In essence, he referred to the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. In practice, however, this proved unattainable. Why did Sun Yat-sen’s forty-year revolutionary endeavor ultimately falter? Because, in the age of imperialism, the petite bourgeoisie is incapable of leading a genuine revolution to victory—this is the crux of the matter. Our own eighteen-year experience, in contrast, offers valuable insights. We possess a disciplined theoretical framework grounded in the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin; we practice self-criticism; and we maintain close ties with the masses. Furthermore, our party commands an army and has forged a united front encompassing all revolutionary factions. These three pillars constitute our principal strengths. They distinguish us from our predecessors and have enabled us to secure fundamental victories despite navigating complex and winding paths. We have confronted and overcome opportunist tendencies within our ranks, as well as right-wing deviations. Whenever we have gravely erred in any of these three areas, our revolution has suffered setbacks. Yet, these mistakes and setbacks have served as invaluable lessons, rendering us wiser and more capable of accomplishing our tasks. Every political party and every individual inevitably makes errors; our challenge lies in minimizing them. Should we err, we must rectify our mistakes swiftly—and the more thoroughly we do so, the better. Summing up our experience, we arrive at a singular formula: the People’s Democratic Dictatorship founded upon the working-class-led alliance of farmers and workers. This is our defining principle, our primary achievement, and our guiding manifesto. Over the course of eighteen long years, we have accomplished but one thing: securing a foundational victory. This milestone deserves celebration, as it represents a triumph of the people and a momentous accomplishment in a vast nation like China. Nonetheless, much work remains to be done. While we have taken the initial steps, akin to completing the first leg of a ten-thousand-mile journey, the remnants of our adversaries still await eradication. Simultaneously, we face daunting economic reconstruction challenges. Some of the skills we have mastered are becoming redundant, while others, entirely new to us, are being forcibly thrust upon us. Such is the nature of difficulty. Imperialists have calculated that we are ill-equipped to manage our economy and now stand idly by, anticipating our failure. We must confront these challenges head-on, mastering subjects we previously knew nothing about. We must humbly seek guidance from experts in every field, learning from them with utmost respect and sincerity. Acknowledge your ignorance; do not feign understanding. Avoid adopting bureaucratic posturing. Immerse yourself fully—whether for a few months, a year, two years, or even five—eventually, you will acquire the necessary expertise. Initially, Soviet communists were likewise hesitant to engage in economic endeavors, and imperialists similarly awaited their eventual collapse. Yet, through concerted effort, they succeeded. Under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, they not only launched a revolution but also embarked on large-scale construction projects, ultimately erecting a magnificent socialist state. Lenin and Stalin stand as our most exemplary mentors; we must learn from their example. Relying solely on the weapon of the People’s Democratic Dictatorship, we can unite the entire nation—excluding reactionaries—and steadily advance toward our ultimate goal.