The Current Situation and Other Questions
|| Speech at the Party School on February 15, 1945 ||
Comrades:

Today's meeting was initiated by the Fifth and Sixth Departments. The comrades of the Fifth and Sixth Departments, as well as many other comrades, have been in Yan'an for a long time; some have been here for two or three years, and I have not spoken a single word. What I did was not right. Today, this meeting is held especially for the comrades of the Fifth and Sixth Departments, and many comrades from China and abroad are also participating. Many comrades have requested to see the comrades from the Central Committee, requested to see the comrades who have returned from the front. Today, many comrades have arrived. In the future, we will also ask them to speak. The Seventh Party Congress will be convened very soon. After the Seventh Congress, there will be time to speak with you comrades. I am the president of this school, but in the past, I have not been able to fulfill my duties. (Laughter) In the future, we should come to speak more often.

The topics for today's talk were also given to me by you comrades: one is the question of the current situation, one is the question of mountain-stronghold-ism, and one is the question of examining cadres. In addition, I would also like to speak a little about other questions.

Everyone is concerned about the current situation, which is very good. The so-called current situation includes the world situation and our Chinese situation. What is the main question in the world today? It is whether the several great powers can unite to the end to eliminate the enemy || fascism. What is the question in China? It is whether China can unite to eliminate Japanese imperialism.

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220 Regarding the first question, some newspapers, especially on the enemy's side, frequently spread rumors, saying that the three great powers—the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union—cannot unite. They say that their unity will be broken, that there are disputes, contradictions, and struggles among them. Are there disputes among them? There are disputes. (There have been disputes before, and many problems are still unresolved now.) They are holding meetings to discuss them, and there will be more in the future. Among all the problems, many can be mutually agreed upon and resolved amicably; a portion of the problems will still take a very long time, will have to be dragged out, with some arguments. The people of the fascist countries, the fascists, hope that the three great powers will not be united. There is also a group of people (we have such people in China too) who are anti-Soviet and anti-Communist; they have long hoped that Great Britain and the United States would one day attack the Soviet Union. There are quite a few such people. In Great Britain and the United States, there are also many people who are anti-Soviet and anti-Communist, who oppose the Soviet Union, oppose the Communist Party revolution in their own places, and also oppose the Communist Parties and revolutions in other places. So what is the situation with this question? I can say that there are frictions, but unity occupies the main position, the dominant position. Since these great powers signed treaties and allied to jointly oppose fascism, some problems have been resolved. Now they are meeting again in the Black Sea. We estimate that problems can be resolved, and they can unite. Furthermore, we estimate that they can unite not only during the war but also after the war, and can maintain peace for a very long time. What is the reason? The reason now is that there is a common enemy, and to fight this enemy requires the people of all countries to fight. The Soviet Union is the big thumb, the main force. You see, in the fight against fascism in Europe, Great Britain and the United States have only contributed eighty divisions, while the Soviet Union has contributed more than two hundred divisions. The Soviet Union has contributed a great deal of strength. Without the Soviet Union, victory cannot be achieved. Can victory be achieved without Great Britain and the United States? Of course, victory cannot be achieved either. Without Great Britain and the United States, for example, without the eighty divisions on the second front in Europe, and without the Italian front, victory would certainly not be possible. But without the Soviet Union, victory would be even more impossible. Therefore, the Soviet Union is a great force, a decisive force, an indispensable force.

The consciousness of the people of Great Britain and the United States is also different from the past; they have now awakened. People who participated in or witnessed the First World War || people who are now over forty, there are such people present, have seen the First World War. The government of our country at that time || the Beiyang government, participated in the First World War. What was the level of consciousness of the world's people at that time? It was much lower than now. The consciousness of the people of Great Britain and the United States, the consciousness of the people of Europe, the consciousness of the Chinese people, the proletariat, the political parties of the proletariat, for example, there was no country that had a Communist Party. Only Russia had a Communist Party, which at that time was not called the Communist Party, but the Social Democratic Party. Besides, there were no Bolshevik parties in other countries, only a few individuals, for example, a part in Germany, and in other countries like France, there were more or less a few people or small groups active; their opinions were the same as those of Lenin and Stalin. The opinions of other proletarian parties, workers' parties, were different from those of Lenin and Stalin. They supported that war, because that war was an imperialist war, a reactionary war, so Lenin opposed that war. The fact that the proletariat of various countries supported that war shows what the level of consciousness of the proletariat was at that time, which is to say, the level of consciousness was very low. If the proletariat was like this, then other laboring people or intellectuals need not be mentioned. What was our China like at that time? I say, comrades, you are very fortunate today. At that time, the knowledge that Chinese society gave us was very, very little. We didn't know what imperialism was, we didn't know what the Communist Party was. Whether there was a Marx in the world, it seemed not. (Laughter) We had not even heard the name of Marx. In the years from 1914 to 1917, the Chinese people were in such a situation in China. As for before 1914, it goes without saying. People who participated in the Xinhai Revolution, for example, the Commander-in-Chief, Elder Dong, Chairman Lin of the Border Region Government, Comrade Wu Yuzhang, Comrade Xu Teli, these old comrades all participated. At that time, they were very naive. Was there a Party school? (Laughter) There was none. (Laughter) How could there be a Party school like ours? Was there a Communist Party? No! Not even a shadow. Was there a Red Army, an Eighth Route Army? No! There was nothing. During the First World War, there was nothing. China had none, Great Britain had none, the United States had none, France had none, Germany had none, no country had one.
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Only Russia had one. But although Russia had one, the number was very small. The war started in 1914 and was fought until 1917. The Russian Bolsheviks had only a few tens of thousands of people, only tens of thousands of Party members. In the thirty years from 1917 to this year, our China has had a Communist Party. How big is the Communist Party in China now? It has over one million Party members. Thirty years ago, Russia had only tens of thousands of Party members, and they were still oppressed, not yet victorious. The October Revolution of 1917 was the victory. From then on, the world was divided into two eras, that is, before and after the October Revolution of 1917. By 1917, Marxism had been circulating in the world for seventy-four years, from 1843 to 1917. Marxism had been circulating in the world for seventy-four years, but we Chinese still did not know about it. The day the October Revolution broke out, the next day the Chinese people knew.

You see, it was only two days. For seventy-four years they didn't know, and in two days they knew. (Laughter) Comrades, this is action. Action travels faster than words, faster than articles. Of course, without words and without articles, there would be no action. The October Revolution did not fall from the sky; it was the result of seventy-four years of the Marxist movement. After the end of the World War, in 1921, the Communist Party of China was born. Before that year, since Pangu separated heaven and earth, from the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors to the present, there was none. From 1921 to this year is twenty-four years. In these twenty-four years, changes have taken place, and they have been very fast. These twenty-four years, compared to our ancient history, have surpassed two thousand four hundred years, or even more than two thousand four hundred years, surpassing three thousand or four thousand years. Now the Chinese people have been elevated. I think this is very good. There are the people of Europe, especially in recent years with fascists killing people everywhere, the consciousness of the European people has also been raised. The consciousness of the American people has been raised, and the consciousness of the British people has also been raised. Their participation in such a great war requires such great energy, so their consciousness has been raised, and it is still continuing to rise. Now one month is equivalent to many years in historical times. After a few months, for example, when Berlin is taken, for example, when German fascism is defeated, that will... awaken the people of Great Britain and the United States, awaken the people of Europe. We, the people of the East, the Chinese people, have also awakened. The Party has been elevated. Because the people unanimously demand the defeat of fascism, the governments of various countries have no choice but to rise up and defeat fascism. There are reactionaries in Great Britain, the United States, and China. They oppose uniting with the Soviet Union, but the broad masses of the people do not approve, so they can do nothing. For example, in the American election, the isolationists were defeated. The American proletariat has large trade unions. A few months ago, in the American presidential election, because the workers helped, Roosevelt was re-elected. There are many isolationist elements in the United States who oppose cooperation with the Soviet Union. Because the workers oppose them, they have fallen. The consciousness of our Chinese people has made it impossible for the Jiang Jieshi fascist Kuomintang (the fascist faction, the fascist clique within the Kuomintang), the clique that specializes in being anti-Soviet and anti-Communist, to bring out their stuff. When they bring something out, for example, they bring out something called opposing the Communist Party, but no one below applauds. It's not like you all, who demand to see the comrades from the Central Committee, to see the comrades who have returned from the front. You should not look at the things brought out by the Kuomintang fascists, because those things are anti-Soviet and anti-Communist. For example, the year before last, many comrades present participated in this struggle. In the three months of July, August, and September, the Kuomintang announced that it would dissolve the Communist Party. They said the Comintern has been dissolved, why don't you dissolve? What are you not dissolving for? They also said that communism is not suited to China's national conditions, China does not want you, and so on. They brought out these slogans. What about the common people? Not a single one of the common people applauded. That is to say, everyone said, we don't want to see that stuff of yours! (Laughter) Therefore, our Chairman Jiang quickly put it away. When he brought it out, he said, "Hey! Do you want to see it or not?" Everyone said, "Don't want to see it! Don't want to see it!" It was for this reason that he put it away. Comrades, what is the reason for this? Is it because of our strength, right? That's right. If this time the people of the whole country had wanted to see it when Jiang Jieshi brought out his stuff, and after seeing it said, "Right! Attack Yan'an," then the situation would be different. The three anti-Communist upsurges, you have all been through them, and they were all beaten back in this way. Yan'an is able to hold such a large Party school precisely because we have guns in our hands! So the first thing is strength, otherwise could it be held? It could not. But without the support of the people of the whole country, could our Party school still be held? It could not be held either. Just having guns is not enough. That would be Hu Zongnan holding a Party school in this
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224 place, also a Central Party School, but I, this president, would not be able to serve. (Laughter)

This is to say that everyone supports the unity of the three countries, and the three countries will also unite. Why unite? Because the people of the whole world are conscious. This point brings great benefits to the people of the whole world. Now it is guaranteed that fascism can be defeated, and in the future, it can guarantee the progress of the world. Until which year will the fight against Japan end? Let's talk about this question as well. Now that the United States has taken the Philippines, what will happen after they are taken? They will land on the coast of China. Will Japan collapse in a few months? I say it looks like it won't collapse in a few months. It won't collapse this year either. We'll have to see again next year. In short, Japanese fascism still has something in its hands. He is now somewhat following our method: "The enemy advances, I retreat." He doesn't fight hard battles with the Americans, leaving his capital to fight slowly. This is his strategy. Japan thinks that the United States does not want to fight a long war. After fighting for two or three, three or four years, they will want to go home, so I will hold the capital in my hands. He uses this method to fight. Fighting guerrilla warfare is also Japan's ancestor.

Our China is almost full of Japanese. They are everywhere. We have to ask them to leave, but they won't go. We still have to drive them out. This requires the comrades of our Party school, after graduation, to go to the various base areas in North China, Central China, and South China to persevere in their work in order to drive them out. We now have insufficient millet, insufficient rifles, insufficient machine guns, and not enough troops. The base areas are not yet large. We still need to increase millet and rice, increase rifles and machine guns, increase troops, and expand the liberated areas. All in all, comrades, those who are a bit older now, in their twenties or thirties, you all have this knowledge. Everything in the world is a matter of strength. If you don't move it, it won't move. There is only one principle. For example, this table, if I don't move it, it won't go. This teacup, if I don't ask it to, it won't get up. (Loud laughter) It has a bit of a temper. (Loud laughter) The Japanese are also like this. They will only go if we ask them to go. So we must have rifles, machine guns, and in the future, airplanes and artillery, then they will go. Our army is increasing very quickly. A while ago, we had only over six hundred thousand, now it has exceeded seven hundred thousand. Our liberated areas are also expanding very quickly. The production movement has developed in all the base areas across the country, but it is still not enough, far from enough. Urban work is especially insufficient. The work in various regions is also insufficient. Our border region is also insufficient. We need to prepare our strength. It is precisely because our strength is still small that he does not leave, so we must prepare our strength. He will not leave in a year or a few months.

Can the Kuomintang and the Communist Party unite? To ask Japan to leave, this pile of problems in China must be solved. We, the Communist Party, are this set of things: millet, rice, machine guns, the Eighth Route Army, and the New Fourth Army. The Chairman's military strength is much greater, with the Central Army, miscellaneous armies, and so on. Can these two piles unite to fight the Japanese together? We demand unity every day. The Kuomintang now also says it wants to unite, because it has to say it. If it said, "I don't want to unite!" that would be untenable. But in its heart, it hates us to death. What I say is also based on evidence, not just talk. Why do I say it hates us to death? Because he personally told our comrades: "If the Communist Party cannot be dispersed, my eyes will still be open when I die." His eyes won't close even after death. An old saying goes, "to die with a grievance." This is what he said. If I am making this up, everyone can investigate. (Laughter) It's still something in his mind, but on his lips, he hangs a sign, wanting unity. Now Comrade Zhou Enlai has gone to Chongqing again, to negotiate with him again. It seems that the Kuomintang is not prepared to truly solve the problem. He says that to solve the problem, it must be done his way. He won't do a single thing we propose, only wanting us to join his government, to have one or two of our people go to Chongqing to eat rice.

(Laughter) He says Yan'an is a bit worse off, my Chongqing rice is better. (Laughter) Come and eat! (Loud laughter) We say: Chairman, please do a few things. First, prohibit one-party dictatorship. He says: This is difficult to do. (Laughter) Second, form a coalition government. He says that's not possible either. Third, recognize the legal status of all parties and factions. He says this is possible. I say we have to see how it's done, because under the secret agents, saying it's legal means it's the secret agents' law. Fourth, we say your secret agent organizations are all no good and must be abolished. He says: That's not possible, the secret agent organizations are very good.
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(Laughter) Fifth, we say some things must be abolished, that is, those orders and laws that suppress the people's freedom must be abolished. He won't do this either. Sixth, we want him to release political prisoners. He won't release a single one. We say, release Zhang Xueliang! Release Yang Hucheng! Release Ye Ting! Release the several hundred, several thousand Communist Party members! However, he has a principle, which is not to release a single one. We have "not to kill a single one," and he has learned this one from us, "not to release a single one." (Laughter) There is another one. We say, withdraw the troops surrounding the border region. The common people of our border region are not happy about being surrounded. You don't have the military strength to fight Japan, the Japanese are advancing everywhere. In North China and Central China, you should send the troops that are fighting us to fight the Japanese! He won't do that either. The last one: we say, do you approve of our liberated areas or not? We demand that you recognize all anti-Japanese armies and popularly elected governments. This should be recognized. This matter also cannot be negotiated well. We negotiated last year. He said to disband four-fifths, leaving four divisions, and disband all the rest. I don't know which day the Japanese talked to him, (Laughter) to speak so clearly. (Loud laughter) He won't do a single one of the eight points, he just wants us to go and eat rice. (Laughter) I say millet is also very good. We ask you to do eight things, you can do two or three first, or three or four first! He says he won't do a single one. What is the situation of the negotiations? The situation of the negotiations is just like this.

That's all for the question of the current situation: the international situation, the War of Resistance Against Japan, the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. All in all, comrades! It depends on us comrades present, on our comrades working in the Northwest, North China, Central China, and South China, on the Chinese people to produce more millet and rice, to make more rifles and machine guns, to build up more troops and expand the liberated areas, to organize secret teams in Japanese-occupied areas, and to develop the democratic movement in Kuomintang-controlled areas. Doing these things will be enough. As for other things, for example, whether the unity of the three countries—Great Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union—can hold up, we say it can hold up, it is very reliable. Ten percent reliable, one hundred percent reliable, one thousand percent reliable. But just with the New Fourth Army, the Eighth Route Army, and the Communist Party, without millet, can it hold up? I say this is only one condition, the others are also conditions. One of the conditions is to expand our strength. If we only have this, and do not increase our strength, it is still limited. What strength are we preparing in the Party school? I say that studying well is increasing strength.

II. The Question of Mountain-Stronghold-ism: Now everyone is discussing the question of mountain-stronghold-ism. This question is a question that exists in fact, which is to say that there is such a thing in the world, and it is given a name called mountain-stronghold-ism. The so-called world is China, is the Communist Party. Our Party is composed of many parts. The so-called mountain stronghold is not that on the day a person is born from his mother, his mother tells him: when you grow up, you must go and establish a mountain stronghold. This is a product of Chinese society, a product of the Chinese revolution. Chinese society is not good, it has been oppressed by imperialism, oppressed by feudal forces. Because of oppression, there must be revolution. The Chinese people, under the leadership of the proletariat, carry out the revolutionary movement, and a vanguard is brought forth called the Communist Party. This Party has a history of more than twenty years. China is an agricultural country with inconvenient transportation. During the period of the Great Revolution, because we worked in large cities and on main communication routes, transportation was very convenient, and there were few mountain strongholds. During the period of the civil war, we were cut off by the enemy, divided into a white area and a Soviet area. The white area had this province and that province, and the Soviet area had this Soviet area and that Soviet area. The time was very long, for ten years. The period of the War of Resistance is also like this, the time is very long, for eight years. It is also this base area and that base area. Our China produces beancurd; foreigners do not eat beancurd. We Chinese have a lot of it. Using the method of making beancurd, many jars and squares have been made. This was not drawn by ourselves, but drawn for us by the enemy.

A Party school like this was not run during the civil war. In the Northwest, North China, Central China, South China, and the Northeast, probably everywhere except Inner Mongolia and Tibet, there are people studying here (perhaps there are one or two from Mongolia and Tibet). However, our base areas are still divided by the enemy. In the countryside, it is said that this is not a whole piece, but sesame paste. Clear sky sesame paste. The common people, like Wu Manyou, live in the dense forest area of Yan'an. There is a Wu Manyou here, a Zhang Manyou there, and a Li Manyou over there. They are scattered in individual households, called the individual economy. The rural individual economy has been cut into pieces of beancurd by the enemy. These revolutionary parties, revolutions, and armies, united to fight the enemy, can very naturally and reasonably be overthrown. This forms various groups,
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228 various cliques, various mountain strongholds. So I say this is a product of society, a product of the special circumstances of the Chinese revolution. To eliminate these things, there will have to be changes in the future. Not only do we need to open a Party school to analyze and clarify, but also in the future, when the whole country is victorious, when there are big cities, when transportation is convenient everywhere, when newspapers can be sold throughout the country, when there are radio receivers everywhere, and when meetings are convenient to hold, only then will mountain-stronghold-ism be completely eliminated. So we should acknowledge this thing, that is to say, this thing exists. Our Party school is discussing it, and various organs in Yan'an are also discussing this question. We now propose that various organs hold meetings, that people from various base areas who have struggled before and after, people from various parts of the army, hold meetings to review history, conduct self-criticism, and analyze it. What is the purpose? Is it to say that my mountain strongholds are too few and I need to add dozens more? What is our purpose in acknowledging mountain-stronghold-ism now? The purpose of acknowledging the existence of mountain strongholds is to eliminate them, to melt them together, so that the whole Party becomes one body. To achieve this goal, we must acknowledge it, and each part must review its history. This kind of review must be done under one condition, that is, the guidance must be correct. Only then will holding such meetings and conducting such reviews be beneficial, beneficial and not harmful. What is meant by correct guidance? What is meant by incorrect guidance? Since everyone is discussing this question here, I will raise this question for study and ask everyone to discuss it.

First, it is to start from unity, from the unity of the whole Party, from the one million Party members, from the interests of the four hundred and fifty million people. We discuss this question in order to discuss any other question. What is our starting point? The starting point is the whole Party and the people of the whole country. Are there any other starting points? There are, or it is called a standpoint. Are there any other standpoints? There are none. This is the only standpoint. The whole Party and the people of the whole country are our starting point.

Second is to analyze. To analyze is to criticize. One must criticize oneself and also criticize others. This analysis is criticism. We analyze this thing and break it down. To break it down is to divide it into two things, to see which is correct and which is incorrect, which should be developed and which should be discarded. This is criticism. To analyze one's own work and one's own history is self-criticism. To analyze others is also to analyze, and to analyze others is to criticize others. When being criticized, one will always feel a bit unconvinced, uncomfortable. Now we in the Central Committee, all comrades, can speak. The Central Committee has resolutions. No matter when, if you see problems in the work, you can speak up without any problem. There will definitely be some problems in the work. The words I speak, the things I do, can be analyzed. What is done correctly must be acknowledged as correct. What is done incorrectly must be corrected. This is what I said here last time, the two points: uphold the truth and correct mistakes. We take the work we have seen, the work of the Central Committee, my own work, the work of each of you comrades, the work of each of your parts, the army parts, the local parts, and analyze it. Whether it is correct or incorrect, it must be analyzed. Correct things are truth. Truth is what has been proven to be right in our struggle, what has suited the demands of the people, and what has achieved victory in the struggle. That is to say, it has already been proven to be truth by objective facts. Then it must be acknowledged and upheld. If someone opposes such truth, we must explain, we must criticize. Once the truth is recognized, it must be upheld. If the truth is not upheld, what then? The truth must be upheld. If the truth is not upheld and is thrown to the ground and beaten to death, that would be terrible. To beat the truth to death is to beat the Chinese people to death, to beat the Chinese proletariat to death, which is to beat the Communist Party to death. So whether it is a great truth or a small truth, a whole truth or a partial truth, as long as it is truth, it should be upheld. But there is something called a mistake. What should be done about that? A mistake is not truth. Anything that is mistaken is not suitable in the people's struggle. Words spoken in the struggle that do not suit the situation, things done that stumble. A resolution written that is either entirely wrong or partially wrong. If it is wrong, then it is said to be wrong, that is called a mistake. Mistaken things should be discarded. Things that the people do not need should be discarded. There is no reason to keep them. What reason is there to keep them? The people don't want them, and they don't work in practice. The words were spoken wrongly, the things were done wrongly, the resolution was written wrongly. If a resolution has ten articles and nine are not wrong, but one is
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230 wrong, then the wrong article must be revised. This is called correcting mistakes. This is upholding the truth and correcting mistakes. Should we adopt this attitude? We should. Should a Communist Party member be like this? He should be like this. Should those who have studied at the Party school be like this? They should be like this. What is justice? This is called justice. Upholding the truth is justice. Correcting mistakes is justice. But comrades, you must be mentally prepared for this. I have seen many comrades who, because they were not prepared for this, did not analyze. This is constantly and unceasingly analyzing, upholding the truth and correcting mistakes. This is dialectics. The most fundamental principle of dialectics is called the unity of opposites. A unified thing, a unified thing can be divided into right and wrong, it can be divided. If one does not acknowledge this point, comrades, this is not acknowledging dialectics. The fundamental principle of dialectics is called the unity of opposites. A unified thing can be divided. He does not acknowledge such a thing. His thing cannot be divided, cannot be analyzed, it is a whole. Without this kind of mental preparation, without constantly checking to see if I have done something wrong at some point, for example, if there is any dust on the clothes I am wearing, only seeing the good things, my clothes are not torn. If they are not torn and you say they are torn, that is not in line with the facts. But they are a bit dirty, having been worn for several months. Is that right? What is said is in line with the facts. There is always some dust. Winter is over, take apart the cotton-padded jacket and wash it, and it will be good again next year. To correct mistakes, one must have this kind of mental preparation. Many comrades, because they were not prepared for this, are always passive and lack initiative. When someone says you have dust here, I have no dust, where is the dust? He is passive. We need to have initiative, to constantly check, check my clothes, my face, check the things I do and the words I say, the resolutions I write. Analyze the work I have done, what is correct, is truth, and what is wrong, and correct it. With this kind of mental preparation, things will be easy to handle. Our Party school advocates this point. Comrades who leave the Party school, if you agree, if you approve, you should adopt a unified attitude, uphold the truth and correct mistakes, and publicize it everywhere, publicize it to the people around you, and publicize it to the people wherever you go. This way, things will be easy to handle. There are many things one cannot see oneself. The eyes can only see so far. Without a telescope, and even with one, there are not many. So one must be prepared to ask others to look, to be a little more prepared. How much to prepare? Prepare for one hundred items. There is a little dust here, a little dirt there.

"Yes! It's a bit itchy." Is there anything else somewhere? Be a little more prepared. Prepare for one hundred items. I didn't see it, but after you spoke, you mentioned ten items here, ten items there, ten items there. How many items? Forty items. I prepared for one hundred items, and you only mentioned forty. I still have sixty items prepared for you to mention. In fact, there are not that many, how could it be so terrible? One must have this kind of spirit. One says, "There is no dust." There is no evidence. Bring a mirror to look. If there is, there is; if there isn't, there isn't. If there is, say so; if there isn't, don't say so. Now everyone can speak. If you speak correctly, that's very good, you have spoken the truth. If you speak incorrectly, it doesn't matter. The speaker is not to be blamed. If you speak incorrectly, what is the good of speaking out? If you speak incorrectly, you can be corrected by others. If you speak incorrectly, it is still better to speak out than not to speak out. If he doesn't speak, I won't know. I just talk like this, and perhaps a few words are not well-spoken. I receive your criticism, you have put me on the spot, so I will be a bit more cautious, I will correct my mistakes. There are many benefits.

Comrades, we have not been victorious for twenty-four years. This is because our country is too big, which can be considered a shortcoming. If our country were smaller, say, with only one million people, we would have been victorious. But what can be done? Our name is Chinese, and we were born in this place, so there is nothing to be done. The country is too big, which has resulted in a long-term nature. This is because the country is too big and the enemy