YENAN AUTHORITIES ON CHIANG KAI-SHEK'S NEW YEAR RADIO SPEECH

3 January 1945

[Text] HSIN-HUA NEWS AGENCY, Yenan, 3 January--Yenan authorities published
their comment on Chiang Kai-shek's New Year radio speech:

In his broadcast Chiang Kai-shek began by saying: "In the 8 years of the
resistance war, last year was the one of the gravest danger and deepest
concern." His statement clearly reflected the intensity of the crisis
resulting from the defeatist and fascist policies of the Kuomintang. In
regard to the reason the nation was led to such a dangerous situation,
Chiang asked for "a thorough introspection and unanimous awareness of the
whole country, from top to bottom." Yet Chiang himself neither introspected
nor became aware. He said: "Concerning the existence of such weaknesses
and mistakes in the past, both the government and society have their
responsibilities. In regard to the government, on the one hand, its wartime
administration was not sufficiently positive or thorough; on the other hand,
feeling compassion for the people and their difficulties, it was reluctant
to increase their burden.... As a result, the fighting spirit was affected,
military discipline and morale were affected, and, finally, military affairs
were affected." When the people's burden consisted of some 80 percent of
their income in areas under his control, he actually made such statements as
being "reluctant to increase their burden." It required a very thick skin
to utter such words. Not only did he refuse to admit that the fascist and
defeatist oligarchy of himself and his clique was the main source of all
failures in war and deterioration in national affairs, but he turned around
to blame "society" for the responsibility. On this point, it was because
the people's bitter hatred of his fascist and defeatist oligarchy had reached
unprecedented heights, and they expressed their anger by cursing and
vilifying it every day. To calm the people's anger, he had to skim over
his government work and used the words "not sufficiently." But immediately
he brought out "society" and said that "society also had its responsibility"
in order to hoodwink those whose political level was not high. Nevertheless,
all those who cannot even breathe under his oppression have gradually
awakened. They know that the oppressed people cannot be saddled with such
responsibility and that the only ones responsible are Chiang and his clique,

with their oligarchic dictatorship and fascist and defeatist lines. Since
the only responsibility of the government was being "not sufficiently positive," and since there was also the benevolence of "feeling compassion for
the people and their difficulties," then such a government deserves to
exist forever. Yet Chiang does not find it so. He also said: "I feel
that it is not necessary to wait until the conclusion of the war before
calling a people's congress.... I now plan to suggest to the Central that,
when our military situation is stabilized, the foundation of a counteroffensive is established, and we acquire greater confidence in our final
victory, we will promptly call a people's congress, promulgate a constitution ... and return the power of the government to the people of the entire
country." Isn't it strange? But it is not in the least bit strange. The
extremely tense situation in the recent several months forced him to fill
in a date, which seems to be attainable in the not too distant future but
actually is indefinite, on the uncashable paper currency he issued long
ago. However, his announcement will not have any positive influence,
because he banked on the short memory of the Chinese people. Yet the Chinese
people have a long memory. They remember that the Kuomintang government
has drawn many checks. Please look at the following: "10 October 1934 is
the day to begin a constitutional government"; "a people's congress will be
held in April 1935 to start a constitutional government"; "a people's congress
will be held on 12 November 1936"; "a people's congress will be convened in
November 1937 at the latest"; "a people's congress will be convened not
later than 12 November 1940"; "a people's congress will be convened 1 year
after the conclusion of the resistance war to formulate and promulgate a
constitution." Mr Chiang Kai-shek, we wish to ask you, have you not filled
in many dates for the cashing of your checks? The first one was
"10 October 1934," the second "April 1935," and the third "12 November 1936,"
all prior to the "7 July" resistance war. In those days it was not "a
tense military situation, making it difficult to call a people's congress,"
but how come not one of these promises was ever kept? In the 7 1/2 years
of resistance war the "tense military situation" of any year was better than
now, but how come the promises were not kept? You have now drawn another
check, promising to cash it "when our military situation is stabilized," but
if your oligarchic dictatorship and defeatist line are not changed, can
your "military situation" be stabilized? "When the foundation of a counteroffensive is established," but under your oligarchic dictatorship and
defeatist line, can the foundation of a counteroffensive be established?
"When we acquire greater confidence in our final victory," but when will
you "acquire greater confidence?" Have you not always claimed "absolute
confidence?" How come you suddenly feel a lack of it? You have always
oppressed the people, monopolized the resistance war, acted self-opinionated,
and done whatever you wished. Yet on New Year's Day 1945 you suddenly
proclaimed your lack of confidence. Please tell us how you and your clique
should be indicted? What qualifications do you have to discuss a people's
congress? In 1925 Mr Sun Yat-sen, on his deathbed, urged a "people's
congress" in his Testament. You have disobeyed him, seized political power
from the hands of the people, and built your bloody oligarchic dictatorship.

When the people refused to support you and your foundation became shaky,
you made the empty promise of a people's congress time and time again to
hoodwink the people. There were definite dates in the past, but now there
is none, and not even confidence in the victory of the resistance war. How
should you be indicted? Let us analyze your words. If a people's congress
is convened during the resistance war period, will it be a "people's
congress" consisting of members who were elected by bribery before the
war and most of whom followed renegade Wang after the start of the war, or
will there be a new election? If the former, who will want that dead, foul
and rotten "people's congress?" If the latter, how will it be elected?
Who will carry out the election law? Who will supervise it? If the
oligarchic dictatorship is not first eliminated, the current Kuomintang
government thoroughly reorganized, replacing it with a democratic coalition
government, and the secret service organ disbanded, giving the people
freedom of speech, meeting and association, will there be a congress elected
by the people? Yuan Shih-k'ai once held a Hung-hsien congress, and
Ts'ao K'un called a piglet congress. Will there be a tyrant and public
enemy today with the nerve to call a Chiang's people's congress, or a
piglet people's congress? Exposing Chiang's shameless fraud in calling a
people's congress, the Yenan authorities concluded: To resist the prompt
formation of a coalition government desired by the people of the whole
nation, Chiang held out a shield. Yet the so-called "people's congress" of
Chiang and his clique has long been notorious. If left unmentioned, maybe
no one will notice it, but every time it is mentioned its stench permeates
the air. Mencius said: "When Hsi-tzu became soiled, everyone covered his
nose when passing." Hsi-tzu was a beauty, yet, when soiled, everyone
covered his nose. When a lone tyrant is soaked in the manure vat, how
can one tell the Chinese people not to cover their nose and run? If you
do not want the people to cover their nose, the only way is to wash off
the manure.

CHIEH-FANG JIH-PAO, 4 November 1945.

* "Reference Materials on the History of the Chinese Revolution," Vol 4,
Chinese People's University, 1957.