A glance at the government’s proposal of June 5 [2] makes it clear: not a single word in the proposal mentions the War of Resistance (which is most noteworthy), nor does it refer to the current grave and perilous situation; there is not the slightest indication of any intention to change course or abandon the nation‑damaging policies.


The proposal seeks to “abolish within a specified time” more than four fifths of the armed forces that have distinguished themselves in the guerrilla war behind enemy lines, having fought and defeated five sixths of the enemy and puppet troops.


In other words, the proposal allows for the formation of ten divisions, each with roughly ten thousand men under the Nationalist army’s organizational structure—totaling no more than one hundred thousand. The remaining 370,000 regular troops are to be “abolished,” and moreover, swiftly so. Is this not precisely the language of the Japanese? What the Japanese bandits, by every means and through brutal warfare, were unable to “abolish,” could now, with a single proposal from the Nationalist government, if actually carried out, earn its authors the highest award from His Majesty the Emperor.

Furthermore, the proposal would place all democratic governments—elected by the people of the liberated areas on a democratic basis, closely bound to the masses behind enemy lines in life and death, sharing their hardships and struggles, and resolutely leading the War of Resistance—“under the direct control and administration of officials appointed by the respective provincial governments.”


But where exactly are these so‑called “provincial governments”? No one knows in what remote corners they have fled.


What connection do they really have with the people and their arduous, heroic struggle? Should their whereabouts ever be discovered, the only just treatment these self‑styled provincial dignitaries deserve would be four simple characters: “removed from office and investigated.”


Moreover, many traitors to the nation are concealed within these so‑called provincial administrations. Wasn’t Pang Bingxun, along with Shi Yousan [3], once the chairman of just such a provincial government? And as for members of those bodies who have betrayed the country and gone over to the enemy, the list is endless.


In short, this proposal serves only the interests of the Japanese aggressors and reflects the will of those who, driven by private gain, have forgotten the nation and the people.


To put it plainly, this so‑called proposal is the crystallization of the base, narrow-minded consciousness of a small clique of Nationalist fascists today, concerned solely with their own factional interests and oblivious to the higher cause of the nation. It is something that no true patriot can or should accept, for anyone who endorses such a proposal is, in effect, aiding the Japanese aggressors.


Printed from the original document preserved in the Central Archives.


Notes [1] This passage was extensively and significantly revised by Mao Zedong when he reviewed Xinhua News Agency’s dispatch of September 19 entitled “Authoritative Source in Yan’an Comments on CPC–KMT Negotiations.”


[2] See note [7] on page 135 of this volume.


[3] Pang Bingxun (1879–1963), native of Xinhe County, Hebei Province, served as chairman of the Hebei Provincial Government of the Nationalist Party after 1940 and surrendered to Japanese imperialism in 1943.
Shi Yousan (1891–1940), from Changchun, Jilin Province, formerly held the posts of deputy commander of the Hebei–Chahar Front of the Nationalist Army and chairman of the Chahar Provincial Government, as well as commander of the 39th Group Army. In southern Hebei and southwestern Shandong, he systematically coordinated with Japanese forces to attack the Eighth Route Army, destroy the anti‑Japanese democratic governments, and massacre Communist Party members and progressive elements.
In June 1940, he signed an “anti‑Communist pact” with the Japanese occupying forces, preparing to openly defect to the enemy. He was later executed.