Today, a meeting was held in Yan’an to celebrate the 16th anniversary of the October Revolution in the Soviet Union.
Last year, when we convened our celebratory gathering, the Red Army was still locked in fierce battle to defend Stalingrad.
Yet within a single year, the Red Army’s successive victories completely reversed the course of the war, driving the front from the Volga River all the way to the Dnieper.
The impending winter offensive promises yet greater triumphs.
Without the Red Army, the very nature of this war would be unimaginable.
The significance of the Red Army’s victories for the destiny of all humanity has long been abundantly clear.
Meanwhile, over the past year, the Allied forces of Britain, the United States, and France have routed the enemy from North Africa, Sicily, and southern Italy.
The air forces have launched sustained offensives in close coordination with the Red Army’s operations.
In the East, Chinese troops, alongside British and American forces, have likewise struck at Japanese fascism.
A week ago, the conference of the three major powers—the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States—in Moscow successfully concluded its work, a development equally worthy of solemn celebration.
The conference resolved numerous military and political issues, issuing on November 1st a joint communiqué and several declarations of historic importance.
According to the communiqué, the most crucial matter addressed was the determination of precise military plans aimed at shortening the duration of the war; preparations for these operations are already underway.
From this, we may confidently anticipate that before long, a second front will be opened, encircling Hitler from both east and west and delivering a decisive blow that will fundamentally resolve the European question.
Once Europe is liberated, the entire fascist axis will be broken—its backbone snapped and its right hand severed—and Japan, as the remaining “left hand” of global fascism, will then fall in due course.
Among the resolutions of the Moscow Conference was the Four-Power Declaration, with China’s participation, which, reaffirming an unshakable resolve to fight to final victory, comprehensively outlined a comprehensive program for safeguarding postwar peace and security.
Foremost among these provisions was the commitment to continue cooperation among the four powers even after the war, thereby thwarting the machinations of German–Japanese fascists and domestic collaborators who sought to sow discord between Britain, the United States, the Soviet Union, and China.
Through this strengthened unity, the foundations of postwar peace and security have been firmly established.
The declaration also stipulated the establishment of a new international organization, inclusive of all nations large and small, based on the principle of sovereign equality, as the institutional framework for maintaining peace and security.
It is evident that this new League of Nations will differ markedly from its predecessor—that earlier incarnation, though later joined by the Soviet Union, never permitted the latter to play a substantive role—and will truly serve as a robust mechanism for preserving international peace and stability.
The Moscow Conference further laid down fundamental principles and concrete policies regarding Italy.
The guiding principle was: “Fascism and all its malignant forces, together with the institutions they spawned, must be utterly eradicated, while affording the Italian people every opportunity to establish governmental and other institutions founded upon democratic principles.”
The first specific policy read: “The Italian government shall include representatives of Italian organizations that have consistently opposed fascism, so as to render it more democratic.”
Another provision declared: “The Italian people shall fully regain freedom of speech, religion, political expression, publication, and public assembly, and shall be permitted to form anti-fascist political organizations.”
Additional measures were adopted to ensure the complete elimination of fascist remnants, along with steps to establish local democratic governments.
On this basis, the course toward eradicating all vestiges of fascism and constructing a broad-based, new democratic Italy, with the participation of the Communist Party, has been definitively set.
Toward the end of the declaration concerning Italy, a clarifying statement was appended: “The contents of this resolution in no way infringe upon the Italian people’s ultimate right to choose their own political system.”
This principled declaration underscores that, in due course, the Italian people will be free either to adopt a democratic regime or some other, even more progressive form of governance.
The declaration on Italy thus serves as a model to be applied to all fascist states.
This represents a profound departure from the aftermath of the First World War; the imperialistic spirit embodied in the Treaty of Versailles has been swept away, opening a path of liberation and self-determination for the peoples of the defeated nations.
It stands as a powerful manifestation of the great internationalist spirit shared by the Soviet, British, and American peoples, as well as by all nations committed to justice and freedom.
The Moscow Conference likewise proclaimed Austria’s separation from Germany and charged the Austrian people with actively participating in the struggle against Hitler.
This too sets a precedent: all territories and peoples forcibly annexed by the fascists shall henceforth be liberated.
At the tripartite meeting, a joint declaration was issued by President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and Commissar Stalin, articulating a firm commitment to bring all fascist perpetrators to justice without exception.
The declaration further exhorted: “Those who have not yet stained their hands with innocent blood should not collude with these murderers; the three powers will pursue them to the ends of the earth and see that they are brought to account,” thereby undermining the cohesion of the fascist camp.
Such a profoundly revolutionary proclamation was inconceivable during the First World War.
In sum, the success of the Three Powers Conference marks a watershed moment that will profoundly shape both the ongoing conflict and the postwar world.
The dawn of human liberation is now clearly visible.
Those who harbor pessimistic views about the future of the Chinese people and of humanity at large, those who advocate surrender or unprincipled compromise, have been proven utterly wrong.
We celebrate the 16th anniversary of the birth of the Soviet Union; we celebrate the Red Army’s magnificent victories; we celebrate Marshal Stalin’s wise leadership; we celebrate the epoch-making achievements of the Moscow Three Powers Conference; and we celebrate China’s participation in the great Four-Power Declaration!
We Communists, together with the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, and with all patriotic soldiers and civilians across the nation, must unite in resolute support of the Four-Power Declaration, quelling the lingering dangers of capitulation and civil strife, rallying all patriotic forces throughout China to overthrow Japanese imperialism, establish a free and equal new state, and, as a member of that new order, actively engage in renewed international cooperation and global reconstruction.
This is our collective aspiration.
Today, the Central Committee of the Communist Party has extended an invitation to the labor heroes of the Shaanxi–Gansu–Ningxia Border Region.
These distinguished men and women—elected from among farmers, factory workers, military personnel, and staff of government offices and schools—as well as exemplary producers in various sectors, have gathered here.
On behalf of the Central Committee, I would like to offer a few remarks.
To encapsulate my message in a single phrase: “Organize!”
Inspired by last winter’s Northwest High-Level Cadre Conference, the masses of the Border Region—farmers, soldiers, government employees, schoolteachers, factory workers—have embarked upon a year-long production campaign.
Throughout this period, remarkable progress has been made in virtually every sphere, transforming the very face of the region.
The outcomes of this initiative leave no doubt: the principles enunciated at the high-level meeting were sound.
That principle?
Mobilizing the masses.
The key to success lay in organizing everyone—the full productive capacity of the populace, the combined strength of the armed forces, government bodies, schools, and factories, the labor of men and women, young and old—into a vast army of workers, leaving no one behind.
We possess both an army of warriors and an army of producers.
The Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army serve a dual purpose: fighting on the battlefield and engaging in production.
With these two complementary capacities, coupled with the vital skill of mass mobilization, we can surmount any obstacle and ultimately vanquish Japan.
While last year’s results may not have been sufficiently impressive or conclusive to demonstrate this point beyond doubt, this year’s achievements have unequivocally confirmed it—visible evidence for all to witness.
Within the Border Region, each soldier cultivated an average of eighteen mu of land, producing vegetables, meat, and oil; sewing cotton and woolen garments; constructing dwellings such as cave dwellings and wooden houses; erecting auditoriums and classrooms; crafting tables, chairs, paper, and writing implements; and procuring firewood, charcoal, and coal—all largely through self-reliance.
By dedicating just three months annually to production, the remaining nine months could be devoted to training and combat.
Our troops received no pay from the Nationalist government, nor from the Border Region authorities, nor from private citizens; all supplies were entirely provided by the military itself.
What immense significance this innovation holds for our national liberation!
For six and a half years of the War of Resistance, the enemy pursued a three-pronged strategy of plunder in every resistance base.
The Shaanxi–Gansu–Ningxia Border Region, moreover, endured a suffocating blockade imposed by the Nationalists, placing our forces in dire financial straits.
Were we confined solely to warfare, we would never have overcome these challenges.
Now, however, our troops have mastered production, and even units at the front are beginning to learn.
As long as every brave and capable soldier of the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army combines combat readiness with mass mobilization and productive capability, we need fear no adversary—truly, as Mencius taught, “invincible under heaven.”
Our government offices and schools have also advanced significantly this year: reliance on official appropriations has dwindled, replaced by self-sufficiency in the vast majority of areas.
Whereas last year vegetable self-sufficiency stood at only fifty percent, this year it has reached one hundred percent.
Pig and sheep farming has been greatly expanded, bolstering meat supplies, and numerous workshops have been established to produce everyday necessities.
By addressing their material needs independently, these institutions have reduced their dependence on tax revenues collected from the populace, allowing citizens to retain a larger share of the benefits.
Both military and civilian sectors have enhanced production, achieving greater self-sufficiency and widespread prosperity.
Our factories, too, have improved output, purged infiltrators, and dramatically increased efficiency.
Across the Border Region, a cadre of outstanding agricultural labor heroes has emerged—alongside industrial labor heroes, government and school labor heroes, and a multitude of heroic figures from the ranks of the military.
Production in the Border Region can now be said to have entered a new phase.
All of this is the direct result of organizing the masses.
Organizing the masses—this is the correct approach.
What alternative could there possibly be?
One such misguided approach is the neglect of the mass line: failing to rely on the people, failing to organize them, and focusing instead solely on a small segment of cadres responsible for finance, supply, or trade, rather than mobilizing the broad masses of rural areas, the military, government offices, schools, and factories.
Treating economic work not as a sweeping movement, a comprehensive front, but merely as a temporary expedient to address fiscal deficits—such an attitude constitutes a grave error.
The Shaanxi–Gansu–Ningxia Border Region has, in the past, succumbed to this mindset.
However, following repeated corrections, particularly the high-level meeting last year and this year’s mass mobilization campaign, the number of individuals still clinging to this erroneous view has been drastically reduced—though sporadic instances persist, often attributable to lax oversight by leading cadres and insufficient attention to grassroots production activities.
Nevertheless, in light of the Central Committee’s directive issued on October 1st of this year, local authorities are now preparing to launch next year’s production drive.
Conditions at the frontlines are far more challenging than in the Border Region: severe warfare prevails, and in some areas, acute famine threatens.
Nonetheless, to sustain the war effort, counter the enemy’s three-pronged strategy, and alleviate hunger, it remains imperative to mobilize the entire population—party members, government officials, military personnel, and ordinary citizens—to simultaneously combat the enemy and engage in production.
Frontline units already possess valuable experience in this regard.
Coupled with preparatory work undertaken this winter—ideological, organizational, and logistical—they stand poised to launch a large-scale production campaign next year, a campaign that is both necessary and inevitable.
Although the frontline environment precludes immediate attainment of “self-sufficiency,” the principle of “overcoming difficulties through self-reliance” remains fully achievable and must be vigorously pursued.
At present, the most important means of organizing the masses economically is the cooperative.
While the production initiatives undertaken by our military and civilian institutions need not bear the formal label of “cooperative,” they nonetheless embody the essence of cooperative endeavor: centralized leadership guiding mutual assistance and collective labor to meet the material needs of different departments, units, and individuals.
Such efforts possess a cooperative character.
For millennia, farmers have operated as independent producers, each household constituting a self-contained unit of production.
This fragmented, individualistic mode of agriculture formed the economic foundation of feudal rule, trapping farmers in perpetual poverty.
The sole remedy lies in gradual collectivization, and according to Lenin, the path to collectivization necessarily passes through cooperatives.
In the Border Region, we have already established numerous farmer cooperatives, though none yet resemble the Soviet-style collective farms known as kolkhozes.
Our economy remains a new democracy, and our cooperatives are built upon the foundation of individual ownership—private property—and foster collective labor.
There exist several forms of such cooperatives.
One type comprises “mutual aid teams,” “work exchange groups,” or “plowing brigades”—agricultural mutual aid organizations reminiscent of those established in Jiangxi Province, once referred to as “labor solidarity societies” or “cultivation teams.”
Today, similar groups operate in certain frontline areas under various names.
Regardless of whether they consist of a handful of participants or several hundred, whether composed exclusively of able-bodied workers or including those with limited capacity, and whether they mobilize human labor, draft animals, tools, or even provide communal meals and lodging during peak seasons—whether temporary or permanent—the critical factor is voluntary participation; forced mobilization is strictly prohibited.
These collective mutual aid arrangements represent a creative solution devised by the masses themselves.
Building upon the collective wisdom honed in Jiangxi, we have now further refined this approach in northern Shaanxi.
Following last year’s advocacy by the high-level cadre meeting and this year’s systematic implementation, these initiatives have become increasingly standardized and widespread.
This year, numerous mutual aid teams have emerged across the Border Region, engaging in collective plowing, weeding, and harvesting.
Yields have doubled compared to last year—indeed, in many cases, they have risen by a full hundred percent.
The tangible benefits realized by the masses have been unmistakable, and it is highly likely that even more individuals will embrace this approach next year.
While we do not seek to enroll every able-bodied and semi-skilled worker in the Border Region into cooperatives within a single year, achieving this goal within a few years remains впoлнe feasible.
Women, too, must be fully mobilized to participate in a proportionate share of production.
Every woman should strive to transform herself, taking root in her locality and actively joining these collective mutual aid networks.
Beyond the basic cooperative model, there exist three additional forms: the Yan’an Southern District Cooperative, which integrates production, consumption, and transportation (including salt transport) into a comprehensive cooperative structure; the Salt Transport Cooperative; and the Handicraft Cooperative.
Together with the cooperatives already established among the military and civilian populations, these mechanisms enable us to organize the masses into a formidable army of producers—a necessary pathway to liberation, to escape poverty and attain prosperity, and to secure victory in the War of Resistance.
Every Communist Party member must master the art of organizing the masses for productive labor.
Intellectuals who join the Party should likewise acquire this skill; with sufficient determination, it can be acquired within half a year to a year.
Equipped with this ability, they can assist the masses in organizing production and synthesizing their experiences.
Regrettably, some of our comrades still exhibit shortcomings akin to Confucius, who, when asked by his disciples about methods of cultivating crops and vegetables, was unable to provide a coherent answer.
Our comrades, too, sometimes lack clarity on such matters.
Yet today, they have indeed mastered these techniques, surpassing even Confucius in their expertise.
They have learned to organize the masses for labor, to help farmers develop household production plans, to establish mutual aid teams, salt transport cooperatives, comprehensive multi-purpose cooperatives, and to coordinate production within the military, government offices, schools, and factories.
They have organized production competitions, honored labor heroes, hosted product expos, and tapped into the creative potential of the masses.
Combined with these skills, we are fully capable of driving the Japanese out of China and, in concert with our fellow countrymen nationwide, of building a new, free, and equal nation.
As Communists, we must always remain closely connected with the masses.
What benefit does a party member derive if they spend their entire life ensconced indoors, insulated from wind and rain, untouched by the vicissitudes of the world?
None whatsoever.
We require no such individuals in our ranks.
Rather, we Communists ought to venture forth, to confront the elements—the tumultuous winds of mass struggle, the expansive vistas revealed through mass mobilization.
As the saying goes, “Three cobblers with their wits combined equal Zhuge Liang,” signifying the boundless creativity inherent in the people.
Indeed, countless “Zhuge Liangs” reside among the Chinese populace—every village, every town boasts its own.
We must go among the people, learn from them, synthesize their experiences into clearer, more coherent strategies, and then disseminate these insights back to the masses, urging them to put them into practice, thereby resolving their pressing concerns and ushering in liberation and happiness.
Should a cadre working at the grassroots level become estranged from the people, fail to grasp their sentiments, and, instead of assisting them in organizing production and improving their livelihoods, focus solely on demanding grain contributions for the nation, neglecting the urgent task of first helping them resolve their own “people’s grain” crisis before addressing the issue of national requisitioned grain, then such behavior betrays a bureaucratic mindset, besmirched by the dust of officialdom.
The Nationalist government has long exhibited precisely this tendency: extracting resources from the populace without offering anything in return.
If we Communists adopt a similar approach—nine times out of ten—our conduct becomes indistinguishable from that of the Nationalists; our faces become coated with layers of bureaucratic grime, necessitating a thorough cleansing with hot water.
In my view, this bureaucratic style pervades much of our grassroots work, and a significant fraction of cadres, lacking a genuine mass perspective, have grown alienated from the people.
It is imperative that we resolutely reject this mindset and forge closer ties with the masses.
Moreover, within our military ranks, there exists a militaristic ethos—one that mirrors the Nationalist approach—stemming from the military’s historical detachment from the people.
In our dealings with the civilian population, with the government, with the Party, between officers and enlisted men, and in integrating political work into military operations, we must adhere to sound principles and steadfastly avoid succumbing to militaristic tendencies.
Commanders must care for their soldiers, showing neither indifference nor resorting to corporal punishment.
The military, in turn, must respect the rights and interests of the people, refraining from actions that might harm them.
It must uphold respect for the government and the Party, eschewing any inclination toward independence.
The Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army are, by their very nature, people’s armies, and they have historically served this purpose admirably.
Even today, they remain among the finest military formations in the country.
Nevertheless, in recent years, a militaristic strain has begun to emerge within certain echelons of our military leadership.
Some officers have developed an arrogant, overbearing attitude toward soldiers, the populace, the government, and the Party—exhibiting callous disregard for others while indulging in self-aggrandizement, fixating on achievements while ignoring shortcomings, and reveling in flattery while shunning constructive criticism.
This phenomenon is particularly pronounced in the Shaanxi–Gansu–Ningxia Border Region.
Following last year’s high-level military–political meeting and this year’s concerted efforts to strengthen ties between the military and the people, this tendency has been substantially curbed, though residual traces remain and warrant continued vigilance.
Across the northern and central regions, where our Party and military organs are stationed, this malady manifests itself universally.
Whether in grassroots work or within the military, the underlying pathology is identical: a profound detachment from the masses.
The vast majority of our comrades, however, are upright and virtuous.
Those who have fallen prey to such tendencies can be corrected through candid self-criticism and exposure of their errors.
Crucially, they must engage in introspection, squarely confront their flawed inclinations, and earnestly undertake corrective action.
Failure to criticize bureaucratic tendencies in grassroots work or militaristic tendencies in military affairs amounts to a tacit endorsement of Nationalist practices—a willingness to allow layers of bureaucratic and militaristic dust to accumulate upon one’s own face, rendering such a person unfit to remain a Communist Party member.
Conversely, by eliminating bureaucratic and militaristic influences from our work, we can ensure the smooth functioning of all endeavors, including the production campaigns currently underway.
The Border Region’s production efforts have yielded substantial results across all sectors—among farmers, in government offices and schools, within the military, and in factories—and have also marked significant progress in the relationship between military and civilian populations.
The transformation of the region’s landscape is undeniable.
All of these achievements owe themselves to our unwavering commitment to the mass line and to the deeper integration of the masses into our collective endeavors.
Yet we must guard against complacency; we must continue to engage in self-criticism and relentlessly pursue further improvement.
Our production, too, demands continuous advancement.
Just as we cleanse our faces daily to remove dust and sweep our floors to rid them of debris, so too must we persistently strive for progress.
Despite having fundamentally overcome bureaucratic and militaristic tendencies in our work, these pernicious propensities retain the capacity to reassert themselves.
We find ourselves besieged on multiple fronts: by Japanese imperialism and reactionary forces within China, as well as by the scattered, disorganized currents of the petty bourgeoisie.
Each day, torrents of vile bureaucratic and militaristic dust assail our faces.
Therefore, we must resist the temptation to rest on our laurels.
Instead, we should regularly examine our shortcomings, much as we cleanse our skin and sweep our floors to remove impurities.
Esteemed labor heroes and exemplary producers, you are leaders among the people, distinguished by your remarkable achievements.
I urge you not to become complacent.
Return to Guanzhong, to eastern Gansu, to the Sanbian area, to Suide, to the counties surrounding Yan’an, and to your respective workplaces—government offices, schools, factories, and military units—and continue to lead the people, guiding them to ever greater heights.
Above all, encourage your fellow citizens to join cooperatives—mobilize them more extensively and more effectively.
For the proletariat, there is but one source of strength: organization.
As an old song puts it, “Tight, tight, tight, let the group bind together”—a sentiment wholly accurate.
So long as we organize effectively and maintain close unity, we need fear nothing; no force can subdue us, nor dare attempt to oppress us.
I hope you will carry forward this imperative, spreading awareness of it so that, when we convene another assembly of labor heroes, we may achieve even greater successes.