In addition to maintaining a large force behind enemy lines, a portion of their troops has launched an offensive against what they regard as the “tiger’s cage”—an area where they do not expect strong resistance—in order to reopen the mainland transportation corridors and drive out U.S. air bases located on Chinese soil. Since last April, when the Japanese aggressors resumed their offensive on the Nationalist front, the Nationalist army has collapsed at the slightest touch; the provinces of Henan, Hunan, and Guangxi fell one after another, and within less than half a year the goal of reopening the mainland communication lines was achieved. Meanwhile, during the same period, the Chinese liberated areas have scored victory after victory, liberating 80,000 square kilometers of territory and freeing twelve million compatriots. The changes that have taken place on the Chinese battlefield over the past year vividly highlight the contrast between two strategies, two paths, and two sets of methods in the War of Resistance: the policy of passive resistance—waiting passively for victory, preserving one’s strength, and excluding all others—has led to rout and crisis, whereas the New Democratic policy of active resistance has steered the war toward great triumph. The military defeats caused by the Nationalists’ erroneous policies have placed the Nationalist front in a grave situation. If the Japanese are allowed to continue advancing deep into our homeland, they may temporarily reverse their declining momentum, thereby prolonging the war and intensifying the suffering and sacrifices of both the Chinese people and the peoples of the Allied nations. To fail to recognize this fact, or to downplay its seriousness, would be irresponsible toward our own people and toward our allies. In reality, the collapse of the Nationalist front has already enabled the Japanese to somewhat stem their strategic decline, further prolonging the war and increasing the people’s suffering and losses. The responsibility for this lies squarely with the reactionary elements within the Nationalist camp. Under these circumstances, the task before all our fellow countrymen is, on the one hand, to launch counteroffensives wherever conditions permit and to prepare for counterattacks in areas where such preparations are necessary, while, on the other hand, we must strive to halt the enemy’s advance into the deep rear. Our mission, as summarized in Comrade Mao Zedong’s “Tasks for 1945” in four slogans—“Strengthen Anti-Japanese Work in the Liberated Areas,” “Organize the People in the Occupied Areas,” “Assist the People in the Deep Rear,” and “Establish a Democratic Coalition Government”—has the establishment of a democratic coalition government at its very core. This is a task on which the Chinese people, living under three different conditions—the liberated areas, the deep rear, and the occupied territories—must unite in their efforts. For the experience of 1944 has clearly demonstrated that unless we thoroughly eradicate the erroneous policies of the Nationalist rulers, adopt new policies based on military, political, economic, and cultural unity and democracy, and remove from the government the defeatist and fascist elements as well as corrupt officials, local tyrants, and reactionary gentry, replacing them with new leaders who truly represent the will and strength of the people and can lead China to victory and freedom, it will be impossible to prevent the Japanese from continuing their advance; let alone to coordinate with the Allies in launching a joint land-and-sea offensive in the Far Eastern theater. Only a democratic coalition government can rescue the Chinese front from its present crisis; only such a government can shorten the war and bring about an early victory in the War of Resistance. Today the War of Resistance has entered its ninth year. Throughout these long years, our fellow countrymen have endured every kind of hardship brought about by the war, and we yearn for a swift end to hostilities. By contrast, the Japanese aggressors seek to drag out the conflict, while the reactionaries within the Nationalist camp, through their misguided policies, are actually helping the enemy delay China’s victory and deepen the people’s suffering. As we greet the new year, we hope that all our compatriots will approach this task with a serious attitude and through concrete action, striving for an early victory in the War of Resistance by first securing its prerequisite—the establishment of a democratic coalition government.

YAN’AN AUTHORITY OFFICIAL COMMENTS ON CHIANG KAI-SHEK’S NEW YEAR’S BROADCAST (Xinhua News Agency, Yan’an, January 3) A leading figure in Yan’an has issued a commentary on Chiang Kai-shek’s New Year’s broadcast. The commentary states: In his address, Chiang began by saying that the eight-year-long War of Resistance had reached its most perilous and troubling phase precisely in the past year. This remark strikingly reflects the depth of the crisis brought about by the Nationalist leadership’s defeatist and fascist policies. Regarding the causes of the nation’s dire predicament, Chiang calls upon “the entire country, high and low,” to engage in “thorough self-examination and unanimous awakening.” Yet neither he himself nor those around him exhibits either self-reflection or genuine awareness. Chiang asserts: “The existence of these weaknesses and errors is attributable to both the government and society. As for the government, on the one hand, wartime administration has been insufficiently proactive and incomplete; on the other, there has been excessive concern for the people’s difficulties, with a reluctance to increase their burdens… Consequently, combat morale has suffered, military discipline has eroded, and ultimately the overall military performance has been compromised.” In regions under Chiang’s rule, where the people’s tax burden often amounts to roughly eighty percent of their income, his claim that “we should not add to the people’s burden” requires no small measure of brazenness. Moreover, instead of acknowledging that his own fascist and defeatist oligarchic regime is the root cause of all military failures and national mismanagement, Chiang seeks to shift the blame onto “society.” This is because public resentment toward his fascist and defeatist oligarchy has risen to unprecedented levels, with daily outbursts of anger and denunciation. In order to quell popular indignation, Chiang has been compelled to describe his government’s work as merely “inadequate”—a remarkably understated assessment. However, according to the Yan’an authority official commenting on Chiang’s New Year’s broadcast…