I extend a warm welcome to all the journalists who have come to Yan’an. Our objectives are shared: to defeat the Japanese militarists and to overthrow all forms of fascism. On this common foundation, the people of China—and indeed of the entire world—are united. Your arrival in Yan’an coincides with the opening of the Second Front in Europe, an event we celebrate with great enthusiasm. The establishment of the Second Front will have repercussions not only in Europe but also in the Pacific and in China. China must advance; the world must advance; and we must achieve final victory.  The creation of the Second Front is the culmination of a long process, shaped by the Moscow and Tehran conferences, where it was decided to strike the enemy from three directions—east, west, and south. That plan has now been realized. We hereby salute the health of President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and Marshal Stalin! All those in China who are engaged in the War of Resistance should focus their efforts, work diligently, and coordinate with the decisive battles in Europe to bring down the Japanese militarists. The present moment is exceptionally propitious.  As you are keenly interested in the domestic situation in China, I would like to make a few remarks here. With regard to relations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the Chinese Communist Party’s position on this issue has long been set forth in successive communiqués of the CPC Central Committee and in our publications. Taking this opportunity of your visit to Yan’an, I wish to reiterate as follows: We uphold Chairman Chiang Kai-shek, we remain committed to cooperation between the CPC and the KMT and with all the people of China, and we continue to struggle for the overthrow of Japanese imperialism and for the establishment of an independent, democratic China. This policy has remained unchanged throughout the war—from its early stages through its middle phase and up to the present day—because it reflects the aspirations of the Chinese people as a whole.

However, China does suffer from a serious shortcoming: a lack of democracy. The Chinese people urgently need democracy, for only through democracy can the War of Resistance gain strength; only then can China’s internal and external relations be put on a sound footing; only then can we secure victory in the war and build a prosperous nation. Moreover, it is only under a democratic system that China can maintain its unity after the war. As you are well aware, what China lacks is precisely democracy. It is only by introducing genuine democratic reforms that China can move forward.

Mr. Stein asked whether the Chairman could comment on Comrade Lin Boqu’s negotiations in Chongqing. Father Shanhan asked whether, since this is a matter of widespread concern, it might be addressed first. Mr. Stein further inquired: To clarify the issue, might the Chairman compare the CPC–KMT talks of 1936 with those currently underway? Mr. Epstein asked whether the opening of the Second Front marks a new stage and whether the CPC Central Committee intends to issue a declaration to expound its policy on this development. Mr. Xie Shuangqiu wished to know what the CPC expects of all parties in order to strengthen national unity. Mr. Zhao Binghen added that he would like to ask specifically: What does the CPC hope the National Government, the KMT, and other political parties will do? And what steps is the CPC itself prepared to take?

In response to these questions, I shall offer a consolidated reply under three headings. First, concerning the CPC–KMT negotiations: Talks have been ongoing for some time, and they are still continuing today. We hope they will make progress and yield concrete results. Beyond that, I have nothing further to report at this juncture.

Second, regarding the Second Front: A recent editorial in Jiefang Daily has already described it as ushering in a new phase, and we do not intend to issue any additional statement. The establishment of the Second Front represents a further development in Allied wartime cooperation; in its fundamental character, it differs in no essential respect from earlier stages. Nevertheless, the opening of the Second Front shares certain parallels with the Soviet counteroffensive at Stalingrad. Prior to November 1941, fascist forces were at the height of their power, and the anti-fascist forces had suffered repeated setbacks and retreats. It was the Soviet offensive that brought that phase to a close and inaugurated a new one. Subsequently, offensives were launched in North Africa and in the Pacific. Together, these marked a major transition for the Allies—from defense to offense. The opening of the Second Front constitutes yet another significant step forward in the offensive effort. Without it, the defeat of Hitler would have been impossible. Europe has now entered the decisive phase of the war; in that sense, it truly represents a new stage, particularly from a military standpoint. As I have already noted, the impact of the Second Front will be far-reaching: it directly affects Europe and will eventually extend to the Pacific and to China. For the present, however, its influence on China appears to be relatively limited. As you can see, although conditions abroad are favorable, resolving China’s problems ultimately depends on the efforts of the Chinese people themselves. Mere improvements in the international situation cannot by themselves solve our difficulties.

Third, concerning the CPC’s expectations and its own course of action: In order to vanquish our common enemy and to establish harmonious domestic and international relations, we call upon the National Government, the KMT, and all political parties to advance democracy on every front. The entire world is at war; Europe has entered its final, decisive phase, and the great showdown in the Far East is drawing near. Yet China still lacks the democratic institutions necessary to drive the war forward. Only through democracy can the War of Resistance gain momentum—this is borne out both by the experiences of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain, and by China’s own experience over the past several decades and throughout these seven years of resistance. Democracy must be comprehensive: political, military, economic, cultural, intra-party, and international. All these spheres require democratic reform. There can be no doubt that unity is essential—and that unity must be achieved. But such unity must rest upon a democratic foundation. Political unity is indispensable; yet true political strength can be forged only on the basis of freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly and association, and of democratic elections. Military unity is especially critical, but even military cohesion must be built on democratic principles: between officers and soldiers, between the armed forces and the civilian population, and among the various branches of the military. Without a vibrant democratic life and democratic relationships, an army cannot fight as a unified whole. Economic democracy means reforming the economic system so that it promotes, rather than hinders, the development of production, exchange, and consumption among the broad masses. Cultural democracy applies to education, scholarship, the press, and the arts: only under democratic conditions can these fields flourish. Party democracy requires that both internal party relations and inter-party relations be conducted in a spirit of democracy. In the realm of international relations, all nations should be democratic states, and their interactions should be governed by democratic norms. We hope that foreign governments and friends will treat us with a democratic attitude, and we, in turn, should reciprocate in the same spirit. Let me reiterate: unity is indeed essential, but only unity founded on democracy is genuine unity. This holds true domestically, and it will likewise apply to the emerging international order. Only democratic unity can defeat fascism and enable us to build a new China and a new world. It is precisely on this basis that we endorse the Atlantic Charter and the resolutions adopted at the Moscow, Cairo, and Tehran conferences. These are the principal expectations we have of the National Government, the KMT, the various political parties, and all mass organizations. Such, in essence, are the measures the CPC has taken and continues to undertake.

You have been in the Border Region for more than ten days now, and you will remain here for some time to come. As you can observe, every effort the CPC makes to defeat Japanese imperialism is guided by a spirit of democratic unity or democratic centralism. Where shortcomings exist, they must be addressed without delay. Any defects must be overcome. We believe that only by establishing a democratic system and a democratic ethos can the Chinese nation prevail over the enemy today and, in the future, build harmonious domestic and international relations. The same principle applies to the fascist powers of Germany, Italy, and Japan: once fascism has been defeated, we look forward to seeing them transformed into democratic states. By approaching matters from this perspective, virtually every issue becomes clear and resolvable. Time is growing late, but we will have ample opportunity to continue our exchanges in the days ahead. That, in brief, is all I have to say.