This Senior Cadres Conference has been very good. Comrade XX's speech was completely correct, and I completely agree with the criticism of the errors in the historical line of Zhu Lizhi and Guo Hongtao. The conference has shown that the comrades who created the Border Region and participated in the work of the Border Region are all good comrades, and the cadres of the Border Region are even better, having experienced the three periods of the Civil War, the Agrarian Revolution, and the War of Resistance Against Japan. Cadres from outside and local cadres must unite with each other. The "foreign-style bun" has definitely traveled a longer road than the "local-style bun." If the "foreign-style bun" is so brilliant, then how did your base area collapse? So the principle was not good, and on top of the principle not being good, plus objective reasons, the enemy's pressure was very great, and the error of subjective principle nearly finished off the White Areas. Today I want to talk about Comrade Stalin's twelve points. Speaking of these twelve points is in line with what was just said about clarifying the entire Party's line and uniting the entire Party; it is on this basis that I speak of the twelve points.

Stalin said: "We want to implement Bolshevization; what conditions are needed, at least several kinds of conditions, without which Bolshevization is empty." If these conditions are not met or are incomplete, one cannot be Bolshevized, but the "-ization" in Bolshevization is not easy.

What is the situation of our entire Party? It is moving towards Bolshevization. After twenty-one years of struggle, it can be said to be Bolshevik. Judging from its conditions and its work, from the degree of experience and consciousness of this Party and its connection with the masses, it is a Bolshevik party, but we cannot yet speak of "-ization." To be "-ized" means to be thoroughly so, to be a complete and whole Bolshevik, as Stalin said in the first point: the Party must not regard itself as an appendage of the parliamentary elections—as the Social Democratic Party in essence regards it—nor can it be regarded as a gratuitous appendage of the trade unions—as certain anarcho-syndicalist hostile elements sometimes repeatedly explain it—but should be seen as the highest form of class association of the proletariat, with the mission of creating all other forms of organization of the proletariat—from trade unions to national Party groups.

This point has not been implemented, or not fully implemented, in many parts of our Party. Are we a problem of a parliamentary party group? Are we a problem of trade union anarchism? We are not a parliamentary party group, nor are we for trade-unionism or anarchism. Therefore, our parliamentary party groups have not, as Stalin said, detached from the Party and regarded the party group members as appendages, taking that thing as the main body. (The Chongqing Political Consultative Council and the Border Region Consultative Council have Party groups.) But wherever the parliamentary party group is taken as the main body, it is in reality the Central Committee. In Europe, the phenomenon of the parliamentary party group being the Party Central Committee exists. Many of our comrades ask if this point is necessary. Some comrades say it is not applicable to us. I say, "The Party is the highest form of organization of a class." This highest principle leads all forms of organization. The common forms of organization, the so-called trade unions and national Party groups, are one issue. We have other examples, such as our government, army, and mass organizations. What does the Party lead? It leads the government, the army, and the mass organizations, and nothing else. Besides these, there is also Party affairs work. Rectifying the Party organization and putting the Party organization in order is for the purpose of putting Party affairs work in order. Putting Party affairs work in order is for the purpose of doing a good job with the government, the army, and the mass organizations, and this also includes cadre work. Cadres are government personnel. Apart from Party affairs cadres, nine-tenths are cadres of the army, government, and mass organizations. Mass organizations have work: youth, women, cooperatives, cultural organizations (including literary societies, philosophical societies, drama societies, woodcut societies, etc.). Only by doing a good job with these can we struggle against the enemy.

But now there is such a concept: your Party department should just manage your Party affairs work; as for my government, army, and mass organizations, you should meddle less. Meddling less becomes not meddling at all, and not meddling at all becomes opposition. Who are these people? They are Zhang Guotao. He opposed our meddling. He set up his own Central Committee, a "Chenqiao Mutiny, putting on the yellow robe," having his own army. He opposed the Central Committee meddling in his affairs, and he wanted to overthrow this Central Committee.

In addition, there is also Xiang Ying. He did not carry out the Central Committee's orders, which led to such things as the Southern Anhui Incident. Other armies have not had such serious problems. Zhang Guotao is the most standard, the most standard example. The next in degree are those who have not openly exposed these things. Then there are those who obey in part and do not obey in part. If it suits my temper, I obey; otherwise, I do not obey. They do not say it with their mouths, but they think it in their hearts, and they act this way in practice. The relationship between the Party, government, and army in the Border Region is such a phenomenon, where the will and resolutions of the Party cannot be implemented. For example, army-civilian cooperation was not implemented for a considerably long period. Not implementing it is a matter of principle, a lack of unified pace. The government and the Party, the Party members working in the government and the government leadership, are not in accord. Such things have also occurred among mass organizations. For example, youth work asserted independence and struggled, which was not in line with the Party's policy, and they casually came up with their own set of things. Such things have also happened in cultural organizations. For example, the fourth page of the *Liberation Daily* for a period became an independent kingdom, where nothing could be interfered with, and the will of the newspaper office could not be implemented on this page. If one word on the first page is not obeyed, it is asserting independence. Some people say the Party wants to control every single word, which is very sarcastic. The Party manages everything, which is why it is said that the Party "decides everything." This was clarified in the "September 1 Decision." What we call the Party is composed of Party members; all Party members are the Party's organization. When I speak here of the army, mass organizations... it is actually to not want this Party. To implement this point of Stalin's now is to have unified leadership, to recognize the Central Committee's "September 1 Decision" and the resolution on rectifying relationships from this conference, and to know that the Party is the highest form of all proletarian organizations.

The second point speaks of theory: "The Party, and especially its creators, must completely master Marxist theory, which is inseparably linked with revolutionary practical work." On this point, our Party has gone through a process in its history. The first period was one of accepting Marxism with great enthusiasm. Under the guidance of Marxism, we carried out a revolution called the Great Revolution. From the founding of the Party to the period before 1927, we prepared for the Great Revolution, and in the later period, we carried out the Great Revolution. It was under the guidance of Marxist principles and thought. At that time (1921), the Party was established. After the October Revolution, Marxism was widely propagated in China, especially after the "May Fourth" Movement, when it spread extensively. Before "May Fourth," the Chinese working class and intellectuals did not know about Marxism-Leninism. The October Revolution itself was a tremendous propaganda and influence. Many Chinese intellectuals leaned towards opportunism. Coupled with the World War, the "May Fourth" Movement emerged in China. A portion of intellectuals, led by Li Dazhao, began to consciously study Marxism. Therefore, the Party could be established in '21. Without the October Revolution and the fermentation of "May Fourth," the birth of the Party would have been difficult. In the six years from 1921 to 1927, the young Party did a great thing, which is also rare in foreign history, namely the Great Revolution, the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. It played a great role for Marxism-Leninism. The Great Revolution was under international guidance, and it proposed a program and carried out activities according to the actual situation in China. Some people feel that the Chinese Party had no theory at the beginning. Our Party in a later period had no theory. We say that the existence of the Communist Party in '21 was itself a product of the guidance of Marxism-Leninism. Otherwise, how could one imagine it? How could a Communist Party suddenly appear? Between 1921 and 1924, Dazhao propagated communism. The three stages of the Great Revolution, the Civil War, and the War of Resistance Against Japan were all struggles between genuine and sham Marxism-Leninism. Zhu Lizhi's article was written "to struggle for Marxism-Leninism," but in reality, it was "right-leaning opportunism." Who can prove this? Those who were arrested and killed prove it. 240 Marxist-Leninists were killed. There was another batch, because the Central Committee arrived, they were not killed in time. A cry of "spare them from the sword" was heard, and they were released. This phenomenon was not limited to one border region; it was particularly serious in E-Yu-Wan, Xiang-E-Xi, and here. The Central Soviet Area, northeastern Jiangxi, and Sichuan also had it, but not as seriously. This was an erroneous line, shooting and killing revolutionary cadres and Communist Party members, killing Communist Party members and Marxist-Leninists. 90% of the Soviet areas were wiped out, and 100% of the White Areas. In the later period of the Great Revolution, Chen Duxiu was a sham Marxist-Leninist, and was eventually overcome by correct Marxism-Leninism. The "August 7" Conference expelled him. During the Great Revolution period, our Party struggled against Chen Duxiu's right-leaning opportunism and against Zhang Guotao's "left"-leaning opportunism. These were all struggles between Marxism and non-Marxism.

After the Zunyi Conference, based on the failures of the past, the line was relatively correct. Were there shortcomings? On the opening day, I said that there is now a kind of liberalism within the Party, just as the Central Committee has pointed out. We oppose subjectivism, sectarianism, and Party formalism. These are not the dominant line, but even as remnants, they are not in conformity with principle. There can be two attitudes towards them: one is a liberal attitude, to conceal, cover up, and ignore; the other is to struggle against them. Starting from July and August of last year, the Central Committee promulgated the "Decision on Strengthening Party Spirit" and the "Decision on Investigation and Research." This year, it has proposed the strict rectification of the three styles. This is to adopt a critical attitude towards the incorrect line. After the Zunyi Conference, it was not an excessive struggle, but liberalism. Those who had made "left"-leaning errors in the past were prone to making the mistake of liberalism after the Zunyi Conference. Zhu and Guo were "left" in the past. Since the War of Resistance, Zhu has been right, and his work has asserted independence. Guo has been spreading rumors and sowing discord.

The Party was established under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism. The Party overcame erroneous lines in the three periods, but now a rightist tendency has emerged. What is dogmatism? It is to adopt a liberal attitude towards Marxism-Leninism, using Marxism-Leninism as a signboard. They understand it but do not act on it. There are two kinds of dogmatism in China. One is to quibble over words; they also act, but when they make mistakes, they randomly apply formulas. The other kind is to do nothing, only read books. They read a lot but do not shoot a single arrow. One is "shooting without a target," and the other is "having an arrow but not shooting," treating it as a treasured antique. What has been discovered in Yan'an is the latter kind. They have read a lot of things but cannot explain border region currency and legal tender; they are detached from the current situation. There are Party members in the Border Region who are Party members in name but are in fact not in accord with the Party. This also includes a portion of counter-revolutionary spies and Trotskyite elements. For example, Wu Qiru is such a person. He is a cultural person. During the Southern Anhui Incident, the Kuomintang arrested him and then released him, telling him to come here. The New Fourth Army has now sent a telegram confirming that he was captured, and he has also admitted to how he became a special agent. Wang Shiwei has also been discovered recently. He spoke here in his capacity as a Party member and organized a five-person anti-Party group (at the Central Research Institute's Political Research Office), namely Wang Shiwei, Cheng Quan, Li Fanfen, and Song Zheng. Their words and actions are not like those of Communist Party members, but some comrades do not distinguish. Is this not liberalism? Guo Hongtao's sabotage of the Party, Zhu Lizhi's assertion of independence—these were not spoken of before. To speak of them at this meeting is Marxism-Leninism.

Stalin wants us to pay attention to theory. We should discuss with the comrades at the Party School. The Party School is preparing to read some books, thirty to forty books. If we have such rich experience, such a long history of struggle, and can read dozens of books by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, we can arm the Party. Could Zhu Lizhi's set of things be sold? Would anyone accompany him? It is because our theory is weak.

Third point: The Party must, when formulating various slogans and directives, base them not on memorized formulas and historical analogies, but on the results of a careful analysis of the conditions of the revolutionary movement and the concrete domestic and international conditions, while at the same time taking into account the experience of revolutions in various countries. This point by Stalin is very easy to understand. One kind is based on formulas and historical analogies; the other is based on the historical conditions of the revolutionary movement. For example, there was a slogan "Open up the international route." Even if you gather all three thousand people in the district, you cannot open up the international route. From Luochuan to Lixian is sixty li; you probably couldn't even stretch them out to cover one Japan. It's only that wide. (Laughter) There was another slogan to attack "central cities," refusing to do "work among secret societies" and "work among bandits." Liu Zhidan once proposed doing "work among secret societies" and "work among bandits," to turn the national struggle situation into a favorable one for us, and to win over the warlords a bit. Zhu Lizhi said this was colluding with warlords. We were not colluding with warlords, but utilizing them. At that time, the whole country was actively demanding to resist Japan and save the nation, but we were attacking the opposition parties. We couldn't overthrow the ones in power, and the opposition ones were already in opposition, yet you still wanted to attack them. To organize trade unions in the mountains—where in the world could such an article come from? They cited historical analogies from foreign countries. In foreign countries, Petrograd was attacked in the Soviet Union, so we can also attack central cities, right? Comrade Stalin said to pay attention to foreign experience, but he placed the concrete analysis of current international and domestic concrete conditions first. International experience should be taken into account, but it must be properly estimated, not mechanically copied. The shortcoming in the past was mechanical copying. In foreign countries, there were party purges, so we also had to purge the party. We should adopt foreign experience, but the main thing should be to conduct a careful and concrete study of the domestic concrete situation. For example, Wang Shiwei is indeed a Trotskyite, Wu Qiru is indeed a special agent, and there are indeed some party scoundrels and bad people in the Border Region.

Now let's look at what slogans we have today. We have the anti-Japanese slogan of the anti-Japanese united front. Was it formulated? The conditions for its formulation were Kuomintang-Communist cooperation and the cooperation of all classes. In the past, a slogan of not distinguishing between poor, lower, and middle peasants was proposed. Today, the slogans of reducing rent and interest, paying rent and interest, and the united front have been proposed. These are based on a concrete analysis of the current domestic and international concrete conditions. Is the implementation of the "three-thirds system," the "ten-hour work system," and "better troops and simpler administration" today proposed in a muddle-headed way, or is there a real need? Comrade Xiang Ying proposed "the principle of crack troops" very early on, which was inappropriate at the time. To propose it now is indeed appropriate. It is under such concrete conditions that "better troops and simpler administration" was proposed after careful analysis. Without investigation, research, and careful analysis, it cannot be carried out thoroughly.

Without this point, we would have to develop towards the three border areas with Luochuan as the center, we would have to open up the international route, establish trade unions in the mountains, set up collective farms, attack big cities, and again engage in anti-Marxism-Leninism. This point of Stalin's requires us to make concrete analyses, while at the same time taking into account foreign experience. Then the work will be done well; otherwise, it will not be done well. If a slogan is formulated that does not conform to reality, the policy and directive will certainly not be workable and will not be done well. So this is a methodology.

Fourth point: The Party must test the correctness of these slogans and directives in the crucible of the masses' revolutionary struggle. This point and the twelfth point both talk about checking. This check mainly checks slogans, directives, and the implementation of the principled line. The latter talks about checking the work style in the execution of this line, the concrete work. The third point says to formulate slogans and directives based on a careful analysis of concrete conditions; this is a methodology. This part alone is not enough; it must also be proven in practice. Theory is extracted from practice. The third point talks about investigation and research, the reflection of reality in directives and slogans. Zhu Lizhi also talked about basing things on reality. He based it on the international situation having two opposing worlds, the domestic situation having two oppositions, etc. The result of checking in practice was that 100% of the White Areas and 90% of the Border Region were wiped out. Checking those slogans in the crucible of revolution—the ten-year civil war between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party can be called a crucible—the slogans and directives of that time were incorrect, such as attacking central cities, building trade unions in the mountains, the international route, and the suppression of counter-revolutionaries; all were incorrect. Liu Zhidan was correct. Zhu Lizhi and Guo Hongtao did not believe it. We tried it and saw. Those who believed it could not be opposed. The anti-Japanese national united front, the "three-thirds system," "better troops and simpler administration"—do they conform to practice or not? We must check. For example, our past education system within the Party, the education system in schools, did they conform to teaching methods? The result was dogmatism. Was it correct? It has recently been proven. You have to go and do it. If it's right, it's right. If it's not right in the process, you must refer to it. You can't say the Central Committee is always right. Anyone who says that is blind, an unenlightened person. To say the Central Committee is always right now is because of the experience of the past. With such great victories, many mistakes were also made. Complete correctness can only be achieved after implementation. Theory is extracted from practice and proven by objective practice. This is the fourth point, your attitude towards objective practice. Practice is the standard and measure for testing truth. What do you use to measure truth? You use practice. So it is said, it's not in the signing of his resolution, but in his actions. An important standard for checking a cadre or a party is to look at the results of his implementation. Having the third point without the fourth is not feasible.

Fifth point: All the work of the Party—especially if the Social Democratic traditions in the Party have not yet disappeared—must be transformed and built on a new revolutionary tempo, so that every step and action of the Party naturally leads to the revolutionization of the masses, to the spiritual cultivation and education of the broad masses of the working class for revolution.

This is about work style. The original meaning is to not have the work style of the Social Democratic Party, not a reformist but a revolutionary work style. Because the Social Democratic Party at that time had no revolutionary work style, the Party's work style should be transformed and placed on a new revolutionary basis, a new revolutionary tempo, a new spirit. The Bolshevik Party split from the Second International. The Second International was dominated by reformism. The Third International split from the Second International because it was not revolutionary. The conditions had changed; it was the era of proletarian revolution. The Social Democratic Party had a reformist work style; it had no way to lead the proletarian revolution. So a new party was needed. Lenin established a new party. Communist parties were established in various countries according to the Bolshevik style. As XX said, our Party has no Social Democratic tradition. The Chinese Party has two shortcomings: one is "left," the other is right. The point we are talking about today is to oppose liberalism. Liberalism in the Party now is quite serious and thick. At the same time, we must also oppose being too "left." For example, in fundraising work, if there are disorderly and arbitrary levies, this cannot make the masses naturally revolutionary. There is liberalism in the Party, there are many scoundrels, there are Wang Shiwei and Wu Qiru. Our Central Research Institute (the former Marxist-Leninist Academy) lacks a revolutionary work style. How can they be made naturally revolutionary? The concrete method is to rectify the three styles. In the past, many were not content in their work posts, so an appropriate solution was found, which is to rectify the three styles and self-criticize. This way, they are content! We do not have a Social Democratic Party, but we have new problems, liberalism. We want a new revolutionary work style, to cultivate and educate the broad masses.

Sixth point: The Party must, in its work, combine the highest principle (not to be confused with closed-door-ism) with the maximum connection and contact with the masses (not to be confused with tailism). This is about combining revolutionary principle with connecting with the masses. Otherwise, not only can you not educate the masses, but you also cannot learn from the masses. You say you want to educate the masses, you must learn from the masses, you must listen to their voices. Our relationship with the masses is, on the one hand, to educate them, and on the other hand, to learn from the masses. Without this, it is impossible to combine revolutionary principle with connecting with the masses. Without connecting with the masses, you cannot educate the masses, you cannot learn from the masses. Without connecting with the masses, how can you raise their level, how can you know their urgent needs? They need to fight guerrilla warfare, and you go and build trade unions in the mountains. They need land to be distributed, and you set up collective farms. They need a ten-hour work system, and you implement an eight-hour work system. This sixth point is about the problem of mass work. Stalin tells us that in mass work, we must link the daily life demands of the masses with their fundamental demands. The fundamental demands are the highest principle. But what method to use? To be engaged in socialist collective farms and the eight-hour work system every day, especially when the demands in the current Chinese environment are low. Eradicating superstition is the highest principle, but as soon as the words are spoken, superstitions are eradicated everywhere, and temples are smashed everywhere, which causes problems. Their demands are limited by their living conditions and economic conditions. For example, foreigners sail steamships, and the Chinese people sail wooden boats. Those who sail wooden boats must believe in the Dragon King and Bodhisattvas; those who sail steamships do not. If those on wooden boats do not believe, it would be terrible if they capsized. Eradicating superstition, freedom of marriage, democratic centralism, socialist collective farms, attacking big cities, etc., are the highest principles and the ultimate goals of our Party's establishment. To forget them is not to be a Communist Party member. But there is another point: we must act according to what the masses demand, what can be done today, what is possible. Only then can it be considered connecting with the masses, contacting the masses. Peng Pai was a Communist Party member, a Central Committee member. He worshipped Bodhisattvas in Hailufeng. This is the principle of mass work. These two principles must be combined: one is the highest principle, the other is connecting with the masses. The highest principle should not become closed-door-ism. Guo Hongtao and Zhu Lizhi practiced closed-door-ism. Connecting with the masses should not become tailism. Worshipping Bodhisattvas once in a while is acceptable, but worshipping every day becomes tailism. In believing in Bodhisattvas, one must grasp the principle. Neither closed-door nor tailism. We must wage a two-line struggle.

Seventh point: The Party must, in its work, be good at combining irreconcilable revolutionism (not to be confused with adventurism) with the maximum flexibility and mobility (not to be confused with accommodationism). Otherwise, it cannot master various forms of struggle and organization, cannot combine the daily interests of the proletariat with the fundamental interests of the revolution, and cannot combine legal and illegal struggle. The sixth point emphasizes mass work. The seventh point talks about the principles of the united front, the strategy and tactics of the War of Resistance, forms of struggle, and forms of organization. This is a question of strategy and tactics. (The second point talks about theory, the third is materialism.) It talks about the forms of struggle or organization in the War of Resistance, because we not only have the basic masses, but also a portion of other classes and groups. If we can connect with them, we should. Here there is the greatest flexibility and mobility. We must combine irreconcilable revolution with flexibility. We once overthrew landlords; now we want to unite with landlords. In the past, we confiscated the land of landlords; now it has changed to reducing rent and interest, and paying rent and interest. This is called flexibility, mobility. It is by no means a loss of revolutionism. The Trotskyites say we have surrendered to the bourgeois Kuomintang. We fought the Kuomintang for ten years in the past; today Japan has come, and we unite with them again. The Trotskyites say we have surrendered to the capitalists, so the "leftists" use this to curse the Communist Party. Lenin wrote a book called *“Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder*. That book talks about the seventh point, telling Party members to combine revolutionism with flexibility. At that time, the Communist Party members in Britain, France, Germany, the Soviet Union, and Italy, some of them proposed taking detours, wanting to succeed in the revolution in one morning. The revolution in Moscow had succeeded, so why should we still do parliamentary work? They opposed doing parliamentary work. They opposed using the parliament as a platform, opposed uniting with the left wing of the Social Democratic Party. In April 1921, Lenin wrote this book. Guo Hongtao and Zhu Lizhi had not read this book in the past, nor did they attach importance to it. Even if they looked at it, their eyes were blurred and they didn't take it in. Many things are discussed in it. The third point is also discussed in it. If there is only revolutionism, is it possible to master various forms of struggle and organization? It is not possible. I only say that this form is our main form of struggle, the form of armed revolution. Do the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army need flexibility? We are attending the Political Consultative Council, the National Political Consultative Council. Is it necessary? It is still necessary. We have to go to Chongqing to attend the Political Consultative Council. Take the Japanese-occupied areas, the fallen areas, for example. The Eighth Route Army is fighting in North China, the New Fourth Army in East China. Tianjin, Shanghai, and Central China have been occupied by the Japanese. They have occupied them, and we cannot fight there. We have a method called legal struggle. We can use the puppet troops, do work among the puppet troops. If the Japanese don't give them grain and don't let them run restaurants, we can rise up and launch a struggle to raise the revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses. Legal and illegal must be combined. Lenin said in *“Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder* that the experience of the Bolsheviks in three revolutions is richer than that of any other country in the world, with legal and illegal, bloody and bloodless struggles. The Bolsheviks in 1905 were illegal. After 1905, there were no Soviets, and they could only engage in some legal struggles, such as cooperatives and yellow trade unions. At that time, XX was engaged in yellow trade unions and cooperatives; it is wrong to say he was an opportunist. In the White Areas, if conditions permit, illegal struggles are also carried out, such as riots and demonstrations, as long as conditions are possible. A revolution cannot happen without internal changes. China's "Three Attacks on the Zhu Family Village" and the foreign "Trojan Horse" are all like this. Having only one form of struggle, having legal without illegal, is not feasible. For example, the European Communist Parties only had illegal struggle and denied legal struggle, which was "left"-leaning. Lenin criticized "left-wing" infantilism. The two things must be combined. There must be flexibility to unite the entire world's anti-fascist front, including Churchill, Roosevelt, and also China's Kuomintang. After the German-Soviet pact, the relationship with Britain and the United States was not abandoned. The Soviet embassies were still in Britain and the United States. When the German-Soviet pact broke, the Anglo-American-Soviet pact was established. Without adopting such forms of organization and struggle, it would not work. What forms of organization are there? The Anglo-American pact, the trade union youth congress. The United States also has a youth congress, the Aid-the-Army Youth Congress, with Chinese and British representatives. This form of organization must be used flexibly. Those forms of organization and struggle that achieve the revolutionary purpose. Having only one rigid, fixed form of organization and struggle is not good. Stalin has a special point on the issue of the united front's forms of organization and struggle. There must be revolutionism, and at the same time, there must be flexibility. In the past, we overthrew the Kuomintang. The Xi'an Incident changed things. When they launched the anti-communist high tide and struggled against us, we had no choice but to struggle. When the form of struggle changed, we immediately abandoned the struggle. When Yan Xishan was organizing the New Army, we could not but support him. The means of struggle is to achieve unity. It must be on just grounds, to our advantage, and with restraint.

Why should principle not be confused with closed-door-ism? Why should maximum contact with the masses not be confused with tailism? And why should irreconcilable revolutionism not be confused with adventurism? Why should maximum flexibility and mobility not be confused with accommodationism?

Maximum contact with the masses, the highest principle of connecting with the masses—this is about our mass work. We must raise the masses to the level of the Party. This is having the highest principle and the highest consciousness, but not detaching from the masses, not practicing closed-door-ism. So it is said not to be confused with closed-door-ism. Regarding principle, there was a school in the Central Soviet Area that even launched a struggle against those who ate chili peppers, raising it to the height of principle, saying that eating them was a matter of principle. That is a misuse of principle, it is closed-door-ism. Therefore, one must