Analyze New Situations and Solve New Problems Using the Marxist Standpoint and Method[1]

(October 30, 1941)

I have come to deliver a report, or rather, to share some opinions.

Recently, the Central Committee has issued two decisions: one on strengthening Party spirit, and the other on investigation and research.

The purpose of our revolution is to defeat our enemies, to overthrow Japanese imperialism. But we probably still do not know what the enemy truly looks like; if we do not know what the enemy looks like, we cannot defeat the enemy.

The slogan of overthrowing imperialism has been raised since the time of the Great Revolution. Through ten years of the Soviet movement, and now into the War of Resistance, not a single imperialist power has been overthrown.

Some people say the nation will perish and families will be ruined. I say heads will also be lost. Not knowing ourselves, not knowing the enemy, catching sparrows with eyes closed—this will lead not only to the ruin of the Party and the nation but also to the loss of heads, even our own skulls will be lost!

Theories, conceptions, concepts, principles, and axioms all come from practice. This is called

[1] This was a report delivered by Mao Zedong at a meeting of senior cadres of the Northwest Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.

materialism, which is the very first tenet of Marxism. Whether a theory is correct must be tested in practice to see if it works; practice is the criterion of truth. We are materialists—everyone knows this—but when we encounter actual situations, we forget this tenet. When we do not proceed from objective reality, "theories" born of subjective fantasy will cause a great deal of trouble. For instance, in the past, some people said China had only two prospects: either Soviet power or a colony; there was nothing else. They tried to establish Soviet power in Shanghai, and upon observing the workers’ movement in a certain place, they jumped to the conclusion that China’s "ruling class can no longer continue to rule, and the ruled can no longer go on living as before" (paraphrasing Lenin’s words). Others wanted to link all the Soviet areas together into one contiguous whole. They picked out some ideas from the books of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, rigidly transplanting foreign things as ready-made formulas without studying and assimilating them. Countless resolutions and directives were issued, countless slogans printed—regardless of whether they worked or not, proceeding only from books and subjective fantasy, not from reality, disregarding actual conditions. This is dogmatism and subjectivism.

A little child seeing a sparrow fly in the sky wants to fly too, but humans have no wings. Without certain conditions, nothing can be accomplished. Many people, without investigation and research, without analysis, issue a command or resolution in just one week or so. Directives come constantly; letters of instruction are long-winded, page after page, full of bombast, yet all end up as mere paper. For twenty years, many people have been dreaming that the revolution would triumph tomorrow, but the revolution has not yet triumphed. People like this are as naive and laughable as a child impatient to fly up to the sky!

Everything must proceed from objective, actual conditions. Once we understand this point, we will no longer issue hollow resolutions or write lengthy articles. This is the first point.

Second, after investigating, analyzing, and studying objective conditions, the conclusions and principles we reach are not necessarily yet the truth. Only when they can be successfully applied in practice do they become truth. The teachings of Marxism are truth, not only because they were derived from studies of objective conditions based on actual struggles, but also because they have withstood the test of decades of revolutionary practice, proving that they are truth and that they work and are useful in practice.

As for the Central Committee’s resolutions and directives, comrades are not being asked to carry them out blindly; they must implement them according to the differing actual situations in each locality. For example, the Central Committee’s decision to abolish the Youth Committee was correct, but in central Hebei, not abolishing the Youth Committee was also correct. To cite another example: An army unit scouts out an enemy stronghold, finds the enemy present, and judges an attack should be launched; issuing this order to attack is correct. But if our troops arrive only to find the enemy has already left, the responsibility for this wasted effort and fruitless round trip should not be borne by the one who issued the order. This means that while resolutions from higher levels should be carried out, we must act according to actual circumstances and not implement them mechanically.

Theory (truth)—and the application of theory in practice. Once we grasp these two points, we will no longer make hollow resolutions, speak empty words, do wrong things, or speak erroneous words.

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We must oppose subjectivism and promote materialism. We must proceed from objective material conditions, observe every aspect of reality, and not mistake one side for the whole or take a part for the entirety. For example, in evaluating a cadre: a cadre has a past and a present, and the present is undergoing change and development; his thinking has one part and another part. One cannot seize upon one part and draw a conclusion about the whole. Or consider the many Party branch secretaries in our organs and schools in Yan’an. They probably all understand dialectics quite well. When holding a branch meeting to report on work, they mention first the strong points, then the weak points—but this is just subjectively applying a formula, without deeply studying the actual, objective circumstances of the branch.

Analysis must be applied to everything; this is the starting point of all work. The present world can be divided into the fascist and anti-fascist fronts. Within the anti-fascist front, it can be further divided into the progressive and the non-progressive. China, taken as a whole, is a unified entity, yet it can also be divided into the Chinese people and the Japanese aggressors, the Communist Party and the Kuomintang. Both the Communist Party and the Kuomintang resist Japan—this is their common ground; one is democratic and the other is undemocratic—this is their point of difference. Yan’an in the Border Region and Xi’an in Shaanxi are both anti-Japanese bases—this is their common ground; one is an anti-Japanese democratic base area, the other is an anti-Japanese feudal base area—this is their point of difference. Within the population of the Border Region, there are Communist Party members and non-Party members. Among these non-Party members, there are workers, peasants, landlords, and commercial capitalists. Among the peasants, there are rich peasants, middle peasants, poor peasants, and hired laborers. And within each category of peasants, further distinctions can be made: this common person’s situation is like this, that common person’s situation is like that. Or take a speech: there are central points and secondary points, parts that are wrong and parts that are correct.

Contradiction and unity, analysis and synthesis—this is called methodology, also called dialectics. Everyone talks about knowing it, but when it comes to actual application, it is forgotten. In observing and handling problems, our comrades often tend to emphasize only one aspect, see only one side, and discard all other sides, falling into the error of one-sidedness in looking at problems. The Border Region is a part of the whole country; it is united with the whole country, yet also stands in opposition to it; it is opposed to Chiang Kai-shek—he detests this Border Region—yet regarding resistance to Japan, they are united; we do not curse Chiang Kai-shek in the context of Japan. For example, if a comrade makes a mistake, his good side still makes him a comrade; the bad side lies in his error. Or take the fight against bureaucratism in the Border Region: this also requires analysis. Some people are very good, loyal to the Party and country, but their working methods are poor. There are others whose working methods are poor, and who are bad people as well. Some people like to discuss the strengths and weaknesses of others—this is also analysis, because everyone has strengths and weaknesses—but when it comes to themselves, they stop analyzing. Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty said he was the "Perfect Elder of Ten Completions"; there is no such thing as "ten completions." Every person has both strong points and weak points, these two sides. Using this concept poorly will lead to misusing cadres or attacking the wrong cadres.

Identifying the opposition of contradictions—this is called analysis. When I was young and lived long in the countryside, I saw people just as people and did not know there were classes. After reading the Manifesto of the Communist Party, joining the Communist Party, and then returning home later, the countryside appeared transformed. Only then did I know that in the villages there exists the class antagonism between landlords and peasants, and in the cities between workers and capitalists. Among landlords, there are big landlords and small landlords; among the bourgeoisie, there is the big bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. The common point between the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie is that both

exploit others, though there are differences in the degree of exploitation; their common point with the laboring masses is that both are oppressed by the big bourgeoisie and imperialism. In China, the vast petty bourgeoisie are allies of the revolution. The national bourgeoisie vacillates between the revolutionary and reactionary camps. If the Chinese revolution neglects to unite with the petty bourgeoisie, to take into account the intermediate strata, and fails to distinguish the intermediate elements from the big bourgeoisie, it cannot win and will be in great danger. Within the big bourgeoisie, there is a pro-Japanese faction and a pro-British-American faction. The pro-British-American faction wants to resist Japan but also wants to fight the Communists. Take Chiang Kai-shek, the head of the big bourgeoisie: in opposing the Communists, he alternates blows with inducements—not just blows, nor just inducements—this is called a dual-faced policy. Can we adopt a revolutionary dual-faced policy? Of course we can. We support him in resisting Japan—that is the inducement; we oppose his attacking the Communists—that is the blow. This is a contradiction. Some ask, why is the Communist Party so contradictory? Without contradictions, the Communist Party would be in dire straits! This is about the landlords, the bourgeoisie, and our Party’s policy toward them. Let us speak further of the peasants: there are poor peasants and hired laborers; among workers, there are labor aristocrats, industrial workers, and handicraft workers; internationally, there is the Second International and the Third International. To analyze and not make a distinction between the opportunist Second International, which represents the labor aristocrats, and the Bolshevik Third International, which represents the broad masses of the classes, is to err in strategic and tactical line.

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How to conduct investigation and research? Theory is materialist; method is dialectical. The unity of contradictions and class struggle—one is dialectical materialism, the other is historical materialism. The unity of contradictions is dialectics; the application of dialectics in the social sphere is historical materialism.

For example, to analyze the society of Yan’an, one must first divide it into natural and social aspects. The natural realm includes geography, mountains and rivers, plants, minerals, even wild grasses, sand, and stones—all are included. The social aspect is the various classes and their political organizations. Yan’an can mainly be divided into the three major systems of the Party, the government, and the military. After obtaining this general analysis, one can then select one specific department for study, such as studying the military system, starting with the Rear Area Garrison Headquarters. The Garrison Headquarters can be broken down into military departments and political departments; the political departments can be further divided into four sections: organization, propaganda, etc. Setting aside the other departments to focus on one, that section can be further subdivided into multiple branches—for instance, the security department includes four parts: reconnaissance, arrest, interrogation, and punishment. After analyzing and studying these four parts, then synthesize them back into an understanding of the security department. After studying the security department, study the other departments, and then synthesize the whole Garrison Headquarters. After studying the Garrison Headquarters, then study the Border Region Government, the Northwest Bureau, and finally synthesize the society of Yan’an into a unified whole and draw conclusions about it. Or, for studying the Border Region: one must start from the common people, the township governments, the district governments, studying step by step, and only then will you know for certain that the Border Region is indeed an anti-Japanese democratic base area. Such a conclusion is derived from investigation and research; it is grounded. Analyze things one by one; deal with this, then deal with that; only when everything is made clear, then synthesize and draw conclusions. As I said earlier, truth comes from practice. If you do not analyze objective practice clearly, where will truth come from?

A brigade commander once told me: after the Eighth Route Army arrived in a certain place, they abolished all miscellaneous taxes and levies. I asked him: what were the original taxes and levies? How much were they? How were they collected? He did not even know a single one.

Not investigating and not researching leads to disaster—it means the ruin of the nation, the Party, and one’s head. The Chinese Communist Party has been engaged for twenty years, and naturally has accomplishments, but it has always lacked investigation, research, and analysis concerning the enemy. We have been fighting imperialism for twenty years, and fighting the Kuomintang for quite a long time, yet we do not even know exactly how big or how strong the other side is. Recently, a special organ was set up, called the Enemy and Puppet Research Association, to collect materials and specifically study conditions related to the enemy and puppets, such as Japanese personalities, various local conditions, and class relations. We shout "Down with Japanese imperialism" with such arrogance, yet after several years of fighting them we still do not know them; we still want to shout about overthrowing others, but their investigation of us is thoroughgoing in every way. This lack of investigation, analysis, and research, this not knowing the enemy or ourselves, is what is called being crude and careless—and this is a danger.

Analyzing a thing’s specific character, special characteristics, and distinguishing features, as well as its common points and differences from other things—this is the fundamental method of Marxism. Just writing grand essays and making empty arguments won’t do.

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What I have said above does not mean we should only engage in practical investigation, cast aside books completely, and have no need for theory. Theory still must be studied. Rather, we must unify theory and practice; we should not be Marxists only on paper, but must use the Marxist standpoint and method to analyze new events and solve new problems. If merely having Marxism were enough, why would Lenin have needed to write Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism? Marxism is a universal truth and method, applicable everywhere. We must apply the Marxist method according to the actual environment, not mechanically apply Marxist formulas irrespective of actual conditions. Lenin, based on Marxism, analyzed the world in the era of imperialism. The current History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) analyzed Russia’s reality using Marxist methods—this is called Bolshevism. But we in China have accomplished nothing of the sort. The history of nearly a century of revolutionary development in China is very rich, but no one has yet undertaken this task. There has been no sound, systematic research and scholarly writing on China’s history, society, politics, military affairs, economy, or culture.

Reading Marxist books is easy, as long as you can recognize characters and read the texts. But if you can only read without applying what you learn, even if you read them a thousand or eight hundred times and memorize them down pat, it is not worth a single penny. The purpose of reading Marxist books is to use Marxist theories, standpoints, and methods to analyze China’s reality and solve the problems of the Chinese revolution. Learning without

[1] *The Theory of Imperialism* refers to Lenin’s work *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism*, published in April 1917.

[2] *History of the CPSU(B)* refers to the *Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)*, compiled in 1938 by the Special Commission of the Central Committee of the CPSU(B).

using Marxist standpoints and methods to analyze new things and solve new problems

application is called "shooting at random." We must "shoot with a purpose," using Marxism as the "arrow" to hit the "target" of the Chinese revolution.

He Peiyuan[1] studied at the Northern Shaanxi Public School for three months and wrote several books, such as *A Record of the Border Region* and *Japan in the Occupied Areas*, earning the title of a young philosopher. Some people have studied Marxism for three years but still know nothing, cannot solve practical problems, and do not know how to conduct investigation and research. What can they be asked to do? They can be called young "useless experts"!

Regardless of age, the spirit of study shown by figures like Elder Lin and Elder Xie[2] is very good.

The Political Department of the Rear Detachment recently held a propaganda conference, dividing propaganda work into items for group discussions—this is a very good approach.

[1] He Peiyuan was then a secretary in Mao Zedong’s office.

[2] Elder Lin refers to Lin Boqu (1886–1960), a native of Linli, Hunan, who was then Chairman of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region. Elder Xie refers to Xie Juezai (1884–1971), a native of Ningxiang, Hunan, who was then Deputy Secretary of the Central Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Secretary of the Party Group of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government, and Secretary-General of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government.