() Over the past decade, although our Party has made gradual progress in studying Chinese history, Chinese society, and international affairs, expanding its knowledge base, our understanding remains profoundly inadequate.
A superficial, careless, self-righteous, subjective, and formalistic approach still persists within the Party to a serious degree.
Since the outbreak of the War of Resistance, we have significantly improved our grasp of Japan, domestic economic and political relations, and social conditions, and the prevalence of subjective and formalistic tendencies has indeed diminished.
Nevertheless, much of what we do understand remains cursory, caricatured, and lacks systematic, thorough analysis.
The subjective and formalistic mindset has yet to be completely eradicated.
The extent to which revolutionary work has suffered due to the subjective and formalistic thinking patterns of certain comrades, as well as their lack of comprehensive knowledge across various fields, has yet to be fully appreciated by either the Party’s leadership bodies or individual members.
Some comrades responsible for local-level work still lack a systematic, meticulous understanding of both the internal and external environments relevant to their areas of responsibility—in terms of socio-economic and political dynamics, enemy and puppet forces, and operational challenges.
Many Party members have yet to truly internalize the principle that there can be no meaningful discourse without prior investigation; they fail to recognize that rigorous, systematic social surveys form the foundation upon which sound policies are built.
They also remain unaware that the primary task of leadership organs lies in accurately assessing the situation and formulating appropriate policies, and that without a clear understanding of circumstances, policy decisions are bound to go awry.
Furthermore, they have yet to appreciate just how exhaustive and meticulous Imperial Japan’s intelligence-gathering efforts were regarding China.
Nor do they realize that a crude, self-assured, subjective attitude constitutes one of the earliest manifestations of impure Party membership, whereas a commitment to seeking truth from facts and closely integrating theory with practice represents the most basic standard expected of a staunch Party member.
Our Party has now grown into a major political organization shouldering a monumental revolutionary mission; every word and deed bears upon the future of the nation and society.
We must resolutely avoid vacuity and shallowness, eradicate subjective thinking, and adopt concrete measures—from the central level down to each individual Party member—to intensify investigations and studies into historical records, environmental conditions, and specific local circumstances both within and outside China, in order effectively unite revolutionary forces across all social classes and overthrow the rule of Japanese imperialism. (One) Regarding methods of investigation and research, the following examples may serve as guidance: First, collect newspapers, periodicals, and books pertaining to political, military, economic, cultural, and social class relations from the perspectives of the enemy, our allies, and ourselves; meticulously transcribe, compile, and analyze these materials.
Second, convene focus groups comprising three to seven experienced individuals to examine typical cases related to a particular township, district, county, city, town, army unit, division, factory, store, school, or specific issue (such as land disputes, labor problems, vagrancy, or sectarian organizations). Starting with concrete examples is the most practical approach; proceed from one case study to another.
Third, in rural areas, prioritize detailed investigations into the living conditions, political aspirations, and interrelationships among landlords, rich peasants, merchants, middle peasants, poor peasants, tenant farmers, artisan workers, and vagrants.
In urban settings, concentrate on documenting the lifestyles, political needs, and mutual connections of comprador big bourgeoisie, national bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, proletariat, impoverished masses, and vagrant populations.
Fourth, utilize various cadre meetings and representative assemblies to gather pertinent information.
Fifth, compile biographies of prominent figures.
Recognizing the pivotal role played by leading personalities in Chinese society, conducting comprehensive studies of their lives and careers and producing biographical accounts constitutes an essential component of broader research into China as a whole.
Within the anti-Japanese front, capitalists and landlords possessing assets exceeding 50,000 yuan, officers holding ranks equivalent to regimental commanders or higher, officials at the county level and above, leaders of all parties and factions at the county level and beyond, renowned scholars, cultural figures, journalists, religious leaders, and social activists known throughout their respective counties, as well as foreign activists operating in China—biographies ranging from several hundred to several thousand words should be written for each of these individuals, enabling us to better understand their backgrounds and interests and determine appropriate steps for collaborating with them in the anti-Japanese struggle.
Even those who have long been marginalized by society—sect leaders, gang bosses, bandit chieftains, celebrated courtesans—deserve careful examination and documentation, so that they too may contribute to the national liberation cause.
Meanwhile, key enemy collaborators and their accomplices, who serve as proxies for the Japanese aggressors, represent our immediate adversaries; gaining a thorough understanding of them is crucial if we are to achieve victory through knowing ourselves and our enemies.
Responsibility for compiling such biographies should be assigned to comrades serving on the local and county committees.
The content of these biographies must faithfully reflect the subjects’ actual circumstances, without distortion based on personal biases or preferences.
Sixth, conduct individual oral interviews—either dispatching personnel to interview others or summoning individuals for questioning—targeting cadres, workers, farmers, cultural figures, sympathizers, merchants, government officials, members of criminal gangs, and even prisoners.
Seventh, collect and study county gazetteers, prefectural chronicles, provincial histories, genealogical records, and maps. (Three) Implement educational programs for cadres at all levels, as well as in training institutions, focusing on developing an objective understanding of the situation—that is, the perspectives of the enemy, our allies, and ourselves.
Encourage those comrades who demonstrate a deeper, more accurate grasp of reality while criticizing those whose discussions remain abstract and impractical.
Similarly, commend those who combine situational awareness with policy-oriented thinking, while gently rebuking those who neither understand the context nor pay attention to policy formulation.
Strive to closely integrate this culture of situational awareness and policy consciousness with the study of Marxist–Leninist theory.
During learning sessions, oppose the tendency to memorize theoretical texts without applying them to real-world situations, and reject the harmful practice of separating the study of Marxist–Leninist principles from efforts to understand Chinese social conditions and solve revolutionary problems.
Promote regular newspaper reading among cadres and students, providing guidance on how to read and analyze each development in the current political landscape.
Supply cadres and students with authentic materials reflecting diverse conditions both within and outside China, at the provincial and county levels, making the teaching and research of these materials and their implications an integral part of the official curriculum, allocating sufficient time for such activities, and incorporating performance evaluations accordingly.