Since the beginning of the War of Resistance, the land policy pursued by our Party in all anti-Japanese base areas has been that of the united front against Japanese aggression—a policy of both rent and interest reduction on the one hand and rent and interest payment on the other. After its implementation in various base areas, this policy won the support of the broad masses, united people from all walks of life, and sustained the resistance behind enemy lines. Where rent and interest reductions were fairly widespread, earnestly and thoroughly carried out, while at the same time ensuring the regular payment of rent and interest, the local populace displayed a high degree of enthusiasm for participating in the anti-Japanese struggle and democratic construction; work could be conducted in an orderly manner, social life remained stable, and the base areas were correspondingly more secure.

However, in many base areas this policy has yet to be universally, seriously, and fully implemented. In some, rent and interest reductions have been introduced only in certain localities, whereas in others they have remained little more than a slogan—no decrees have been issued, let alone any concrete action taken. Alternatively, although government decrees have been promulgated and formal reductions in rent and interest announced, these have not been genuinely enforced, resulting in situations where reductions are declared but not actually implemented. In such places, popular initiative cannot be effectively mobilized; the masses cannot be truly organized, nor can a vigorous anti-Japanese foundation be laid. Consequently, the anti-Japanese base areas there lack solidity, cannot withstand enemy sweeps, and become weak and ineffective.

On the other hand, in certain other areas certain left-leaning errors have occurred. Although these errors were confined to a few localities and have largely been corrected following directives from the Central Committee, it remains necessary to draw the attention of comrades throughout the country to them. As the War of Resistance enters an even more arduous phase, it is imperative that all base areas further stimulate the anti-Japanese and productive enthusiasm of the broad masses and more closely unite all anti-Japanese classes in sustaining the protracted struggle behind enemy lines. Having carefully studied experience from across the country, the Central Committee hereby adopts a comprehensive decision summarizing our Party’s land policy. Specific measures for implementing this policy are set forth in an annex, which is issued concurrently with this decision for adoption by all localities. It is earnestly hoped that comrades in every region will study these provisions diligently and implement them conscientiously.

(1) It is recognized that the peasantry—including tenant laborers—is the fundamental force in both the anti-Japanese struggle and production. Accordingly, the Party’s policy is to assist the peasants, alleviate the feudal exploitation imposed by landlords, implement rent and interest reductions, and safeguard the peasants’ rights to person, politics, land, and property, thereby improving their living standards and enhancing their enthusiasm for resisting Japan and engaging in production.

(2) It is likewise acknowledged that the majority of landlords harbor anti-Japanese sentiments, and that a segment of enlightened gentry even supports democratic reform. Therefore, the Party’s policy aims solely to assist the peasants in alleviating feudal exploitation, not to abolish it altogether, still less to target those enlightened elements who favor democratic change. Following the implementation of rent and interest reductions, it is essential to ensure the continued payment of rent and interest; after protecting the peasants’ rights to person, politics, land, and property, we must also protect the landlords’ corresponding rights, so as to unite the landlord class in a common anti-Japanese front. Only in the case of diehard collaborators who absolutely refuse to repent should policies be adopted to eliminate their feudal exploitation.

(3) Capitalist modes of production are currently the most progressive form of economic organization in China, and the bourgeoisie—particularly the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie—is among the country’s most advanced social strata and political forces. The mode of production employed by rich peasants possesses capitalist characteristics; rich peasants constitute the rural bourgeoisie and represent an indispensable force in both the anti-Japanese struggle and agricultural production. The petty bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie, and rich peasants not only have anti-Japanese aspirations but also democratic demands. Hence, the Party’s policy does not seek to weaken capitalism or the bourgeoisie, nor to undermine the rich-peasant class and its productive activities; rather, while appropriately improving workers’ living conditions, it encourages capitalist production and fosters unity within the bourgeois ranks, while simultaneously promoting rich-peasant production and consolidating the rich-peasant constituency. That said, rich peasants do engage in a degree of feudal exploitation, which gives rise to discontent among middle and poor peasants. Therefore, when rent and interest reductions are introduced in rural areas, the rents and interests owed by rich peasants must also be reduced accordingly. Following such reductions, however, rich peasants must resume paying rent and interest as usual and enjoy full protection of their rights to person, politics, land, and property. Landlords who manage their estates in a capitalist manner (so-called “managerial landlords”) shall be accorded treatment equivalent to that of rich peasants.

(4) The three fundamental principles outlined above constitute the starting point of our Party’s anti-Japanese united front and its land policy. Experience over the past four years has demonstrated that only by adhering to these principles can the anti-Japanese united front be consolidated, the land question be properly addressed, and all sectors of society be rallied to support the national war effort, thereby completely isolating the Japanese aggressors. Any deviations to the left or to the right are incapable of achieving this objective.

(5) Within the rural united front, conflicts between landlords and peasants—for example, instances in which landlords oppose or obstruct peasant demands for democracy and improved livelihoods—must be resolved in accordance with the aforementioned principles. Both sides’ legitimate demands should be met, yet the interests of the entire nation in the anti-Japanese struggle must take precedence. In mediating rural disputes, Party and government officials should not side with either the peasants or the landlords, but instead adopt a balanced approach based on the fundamental principles cited above, seeking to reconcile the interests of both parties.

(6) The “three-thirds” system of governance represents a rational political framework for regulating relations among the various anti-Japanese classes. This system must be rigorously, earnestly, and universally implemented throughout both the consultative assembly and the governmental apparatuses. The view that it is merely a device for placating non-Party elements is incorrect.

(7) Government decrees should contain provisions addressing both landlords and peasants, avoiding undue emphasis on one group at the expense of the other. On the one hand, landlords should be required to implement rent and interest reductions without exception; refusal to comply is unacceptable. On the other hand, peasants should be obligated to pay rent and interest regularly and may not default. Moreover, it must be clearly stipulated that landlords retain full ownership of their land and property and possess the legal right to sell, mortgage, pledge, or otherwise dispose of their holdings. At the same time, however, landlords must take into account the needs of the peasants when exercising these rights. All contracts pertaining to land and debts must be entered into voluntarily by both parties; upon expiration of the contract term, either party retains the freedom to terminate the agreement.

(8) With regard to funds for the war effort, all social classes—except those in extreme poverty—shall contribute to the government according to a progressive scale, neither evading payment nor making contributions that are disproportionately light or heavy.

(9) The implementation of rent and interest reductions has provided the necessary preconditions for boosting agricultural production, which remains the primary source of sustenance for the anti-Japanese base areas. Party and government officials must devote their utmost efforts to promoting agricultural development. The government should make available substantial agricultural loans to alleviate the difficulties faced by farmers in obtaining credit.

(10) Prior to the implementation of rent and interest reductions, the principal task of the Peasants’ Relief Association was to assist the government in enforcing the relevant decrees. Following these reductions, its primary responsibility lies in helping the government mediate rural disputes and advance agricultural production, rather than substituting its own decisions for official government directives or acting as a substitute for the government itself. In resolving rural disputes, the Association should adopt an arbitration-based approach, eschewing arbitrary unilateral action. When promoting agricultural production, all members of the Association should assume exemplary leadership roles.

(11) Since rent and interest reductions, together with the safeguarding of peasants’ rights to person, politics, land, and property, constitute the first aspect of our Party’s land policy, and since many localities within the base areas have yet to implement these measures widely, earnestly, and thoroughly—often due not to landlord resistance but to indifference and bureaucratic inertia on the part of Party and government personnel—it is incumbent upon all Party and government officials in each base area to conduct rigorous self-inspections, dispatch teams to the countryside to assess the extent of implementation in different regions, undertake thorough investigations and studies, comprehensively summarize local experiences, highlight successful examples of proper implementation, and criticize cases of bureaucratic inefficiency. It must be understood that there is often a significant gap between issuing slogans and promulgating decrees, and between proclaiming policies and putting them into practice. Unless bureaucratic practices are sternly punished and right-wing tendencies are opposed, slogans and decrees will remain mere words on paper.

(11) Similarly, since the obligation to pay rent and interest, coupled with the protection of landlords’ rights to person, politics, land, and property, constitutes the very first aspect of our Party’s land policy, and since left-leaning errors involving neglect of this dimension have already occurred in some base areas—typically because peasants lacked understanding of the Party’s land policy, or because Party and government officials themselves had an incomplete or inadequate grasp of it—in order to prevent the recurrence of such mistakes in the future, it is essential to provide clear explanations of the Party’s policy both within the Party ranks and among the peasant population, so that they may appreciate that the current land policy of our Party’s anti-Japanese united front differs fundamentally from that of the civil war period. They should be encouraged to transcend narrow, immediate interests and instead link their present concerns with long-term objectives, and to connect local interests with the broader national interest. Peasants should be advised that, following rent and interest reductions and the securing of their rights to person, politics, land, and property, they should simultaneously fulfill their obligation to pay rent and interest and ensure that landlords’ corresponding rights are likewise protected. Just as landlords, in addressing issues related to rent and interest reductions and the protection of peasants’ rights, should be urged not to limit themselves to short-term, parochial interests but to consider the long-term and the national good, so too should peasants be guided along similar lines.