Postscript to Rural Surveys
(April 19, 1941)

  The experience of the work of the soviet political power1 is the best and most
pertinent point of reference for the current work of the political power of the anti-
Japanese united front.2 This, however, refers to the aspect of how to link ourselves
with the masses and mobilize them against the enemy, not to the aspect of the
tactical line. As for the Party’s tactical line, there is a difference in principle between present and past. In the past it was to oppose the landlords and the bourgeoisie;3 now, it is to unite with all those landlords and members of the bourgeoisie
who are not against resisting Japan. Even in the latter stage of the soviet period,4 it
was incorrect not to have adopted differing policies toward the reactionary government and political party which were launching armed attacks on us, on the one
hand, and toward all the social strata of a capitalist character under our own rule,
on the other; it was also incorrect not to have adopted differing policies toward the
differing shades of groups within the reactionary government and political party.
At that time, a policy of “all struggle” was pursued toward every section of society
other than the peasantry and the lowest stratum of the petty bourgeoisie,5 and this
policy was undoubtedly wrong. In terms of agrarian policy, it was also wrong to
repudiate the correct policy adopted in the early and middle periods of the soviets,6 whereby the landlords were given allotments of land in the same way as were
the peasants so that they could engage in farming.7 The Party’s policy is now,
during the entire historical period of resistance to Japan and constructing a democratic republic, of necessity a different one. It is not “all struggle and no alliance,” neither is it “all alliance and no struggle” (like the Chen Duxiuism of 1927). In-
stead, it is a policy of uniting with all social strata opposed to Japanese imperialism, of forming a united front with them, and yet of waging struggles against
them, struggles that differ in form according to the different degrees in which their
vacillating or reactionary side manifests itself in capitulation to the enemy and
the people. The present policy is a dual
policy which synthesizes “alliance” and “struggle.” In labor policy, it is the dual
policy of suitably improving the workers’ livelihood and of not hampering the
development of capitalist production.8 In agrarian policy, it is the dual policy of
requiring the landlords to reduce rent and interest and of requiring the peasants to
pay9 rent and interest.10 In the sphere of political rights, it is the dual policy of
allowing all landlords and capitalists11 the same human rights, political rights, and
property rights as the workers and peasants and yet of guarding against possible
counterrevolutionary activity on their part (acts of sabotage against resistance to
Japan and against the people). The state-owned and cooperative economy should
be developed, although at present it is mainly not state but, rather, people’s enterprise,12 and a free capitalist economy should be given the chance to develop so as
to be used against Japanese imperialism and the semifeudal system. This is the
most revolutionary policy for China today, and to oppose or impede this orientation13 is a mistake.14 To preserve the Communist purity of Party members scrupulously and resolutely and to promote and guide15 the development of capitalism
within the social economy16 are both indispensable historical tasks for us in the
period of resisting Japan and building a democratic republic. In this period, it is
inevitable and not to be feared that some Communists may be corrupted by capitalism and the bourgeoisie.17 The struggle against political and ideological corruption within the Party18 should not be mistakenly carried over to the arena of the social economy.19 We must draw a clear line of demarcation between the two. The
Chinese Communist Party is working in a most complicated environment, and
every Party member, especially every cadre, must be tempered to become a fighter
who understands Marxist tactics. A one-sided and oversimplified approach to problems can never lead the revolution to victory.

Written after proofreading the text, April 19, 1941

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Notes

Like the “Preface to Rural Surveys,” this text first appeared in the edition of the surveys
published in Yan’an in 1941 for internal use. Our source is Mao Zedong ji, Vol. 7, pp. 293–
95, which reproduces the version contained in the edition published in 1949 by Jiefangshe.

--- Notes

  1. The experience of the work of the soviet political power → The experience of the
period of the ten years of civil war

  2. For the current work of the political power of the anti-Japanese united front → For the
present period of the War of Resistance Against Japan

  3. Bourgeoisie → Counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie

  4. Soviet period → Ten-year civil war

  5. Lowest stratum of the petty bourgeoisie → Lower strata of the urban petty bourgeoisie

  6. Soviets → Ten-year civil war

  7. Engage in farming → Engage in farming and would not become displaced or go up
into the mountains as bandits and disrupt public order

8. The development of capitalist production → The appropriate development of the
capitalist economy

9. Requiring the peasants to pay → Stipulating that the peasants should pay

10. Rent and interest → This portion of rent and interest

11. All landlords and capitalists → All anti-Japanese landlords and capitalists

12. Although at present it is mainly not state but, rather, people’s enterprise → But the
main economic sector in the rural base areas at present consists not of state but of private
enterprises

13. This orientation → The carrying out of this policy

14. A mistake → Undoubtedly a mistake

15. Promote and guide → Protect

16. The development of capitalism within the social economy → Useful capitalist elements within the social economy and let them develop appropriately

17. That some Communists may be corrupted by . . . → It is possible that some Commu-nists may be corrupted by the bourgeoisie and that capitalist ideas may emerge among
members of the Party, and we must fight against these decadent ideas within the Party

18. The struggle against political and ideological corruption within the Party → The
struggle against capitalist ideas within the Party

19. The arena of the social economy → The arena of the social economy to oppose the
capitalist sector of the economy