The Chinese Communist Party's Opinion on the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact [1]
(April 16, 1941)

(1) In line with its consistent policy of peace and neutrality, the Soviet Union signed a neutrality pact with Japan on April 13. This marks yet another great victory for Soviet foreign policy. The significance of this pact lies, first of all, in consolidating peace on the Soviet Union's eastern front and ensuring the secure development of socialist construction. Such peace and development in the Soviet Union also serve the interests of the working people and oppressed nations worldwide.

(2) The Soviet-Japanese pact has greatly enhanced the international standing of the Soviet Union, increasing its voice in both the East and the West. This is disadvantageous to all reactionaries but beneficial to all peace-loving peoples and oppressed nations.

(3) The Soviet-Japanese pact does not restrict the Soviet Union from aiding China in its independent and just war of resistance against Japan. As long as the Chinese government adheres to the policy of a national liberation war of independence, and as long as the Chinese government uses Soviet aid to oppose the Japanese aggressors rather than to attack domestic compatriots—such as the annihilation of the New Fourth Army in southern Anhui this January and the current large-scale offensives against the New Fourth Army in provinces like Anhui and Hubei—as long as this is not the case, we firmly believe, based on Soviet national policy, that the Soviet Union will continue to aid China. Soviet foreign policy is an independent and self-reliant foreign policy, which will never allow the interests of imperialists to tie its hands in aiding the just actions of oppressed nations. Japan has expressed disappointment that its aim of restricting Soviet aid to China was not achieved through this pact! The hope of the Chinese people, whenever foreign aid is mentioned, rests first and foremost on the Soviet Union,

and in this pact, the Soviet Union has not disappointed China, nor will it ever disappoint China.

(4) As for the Soviet-Japanese declaration of mutual non-aggression regarding Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, this is a matter inherent in the context. For the so-called Manchukuo has long been used by Japan as a tool to harass the borders of the Soviet Union and Outer Mongolia, as clearly evidenced by the two battles at Zhanggufeng and Nomonhan. Since the Soviet Union has concluded a peace and neutrality pact with Japan, it cannot but address this issue simultaneously. In accordance with its policy of peace and neutrality, the Soviet Union, whether or not it signs a pact with Japan, has no intention of invading the four northeastern provinces. Japan, however, has repeatedly attempted to invade Outer Mongolia, which has a mutual assistance treaty with the Soviet Union. Now, the Soviet-Japanese declaration guarantees Outer Mongolia against invasion, which is beneficial not only to Outer Mongolia but also to the entire Chinese struggle for liberation. As for the recovery of the four northeastern provinces, that is originally our own affair. We must never be like some opportunists who always hope for a war between the Soviet Union and Japan so as to reap the benefits as a third party, and who, upon seeing the Soviet declaration of non-aggression against Manchuria, deem the Soviet Union to be in the wrong. Such people are, at the very least, utterly lacking in spirit. We must recover all lost territories across the nation, fight our way to the banks of the Yalu River, and drive Japanese imperialism out of China. This is the sacred cause of the entire Chinese nation, and the socialist Soviet Union will surely support us in this cause.

(5) Following the Soviet-Japanese pact, China must adhere to the three major principles of resistance, unity, and progress. First, any wavering in the war of resistance is impermissible. Second, cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party must continue, and divisive actions such as the disbanding of the New Fourth Army must be rescinded, with no recurrence of such actions in the future. Third, all reactionary domestic policies must cease. By proceeding in this manner, foreign aid will have a foundation to attach to, and victory in the war of resistance can be anticipated. If the opposite course is pursued, it will inevitably lead to betrayal by the masses and alienation of allies, with peril and ruin imminent. We Communists earnestly hope that the Kuomintang authorities will engage in profound self-reflection and handle the current situation wisely. This would benefit not only the Kuomintang but also, indeed, the cause of national liberation.

This text was first published in Jiefang, no. 127, April 30, 1941, p. 1, and reproduced in
Central Committee Documents, Vol. 13, pp. 75–77, which we have used as our source.
According to Nianpu, Vol. 2, p. 288, this statement was drafted by Mao and adopted at a
Politburo meeting on April 16.

--- Notes

[1] This opinion was drafted by Mao Zedong.