To the National Government, the National Political Consultative Assembly, the Kuomintang, all anti-Japanese political parties, all anti-Japanese armed forces, all anti-Japanese mass organizations, and all newspapers:  The Yan’an All-Sectors Association for the Promotion of Constitutional Government held its inaugural meeting on November 10. We hereby set forth our views on constitutional government as follows, earnestly requesting the government to adopt and implement them, and appealing to all sectors of society to join in promoting these measures, so that genuine democratic politics may be realized, upon which the future of the War of Resistance fundamentally depends.

First: The significance of implementing constitutional government today lies in giving full expression to the will of the people and achieving a thorough victory over Japanese imperialism. Since the founding of the Republic, nearly twenty years have passed; yet in name it has been a republic, while in reality it has been an autocracy. Leaving aside Yuan Shikai, Feng Guozhang, Duan Qirui, Cao Kun, and others, even under Kuomintang rule no meaningful progress has been made, but rather a continuation of old, unchanging practices. The reason is that talk of “tutelage” has been endlessly proclaimed, without making the promotion of popular will and resistance to imperialism the sole guiding principle. In the declaration of the Kuomintang’s First National Congress in 1924, it was stated: “In modern states, so-called systems of civil rights are often monopolized by the bourgeoisie, serving merely as instruments of oppression against the common people. By contrast, the Kuomintang’s doctrine of civil rights is shared by all ordinary citizens and not to be appropriated privately by a few.” How true these words are! Had this declaration been put into practice, the calamity of civil war could have been avoided, and external threats would never have arisen. Unfortunately, such profound principles were consigned to the archives, while one-party dictatorship was vigorously enforced under the deceptive label of “tutelage.” In fact, throughout China—from south to north, from major cities to remote villages—there has scarcely been a single instance of proper tutelage or successful implementation of any policy. The result of years of tutelage has been nothing but rampant corruption among officials, unchecked tyranny by local strongmen and gentry, the near-total destruction of national order and the vitality of the nation, and the consequent opening of opportunities for foreign aggression.  Since the outbreak of the War of Resistance, the entire country has risen up to fight for national salvation. The paramount issue at present is how to give voice to the people’s will and decisively defeat Japanese imperialism. Yet some argue for a sharp separation between the implementation of constitutional government and the vital task of mobilizing popular will to drive out the Japanese invaders, treating constitutionalism not as a tool for saving the nation but as a mere cosmetic device to deceive public opinion. As a consequence, the people’s constitutional movement has been suppressed; freedom of speech, assembly, and association have been severely restricted; the so-called “tutelage” system, which everyone knows should be abolished, has been declared to remain in force; elections to the National Assembly held prior to the war have been deemed unnecessary to rehold; and the unsatisfactory Organic Law of the National Assembly has been upheld as valid. All of these measures run counter to the collective will of the people and are incompatible with the needs of the War of Resistance. We, the members of this association, hereby express our firm opposition. We boldly assert that implementing constitutional government by such means will never resolve either domestic or international problems. Unless based on the people’s will and accompanied by thorough reform, it will be impossible to win back the hearts and minds of the populace or advance the cause of the War of Resistance. This is the first point we wish to make to our fellow citizens.

Second: The Electoral Law for Members of the National Assembly must be completely revised, and its representatives must be re-elected. Although the elections to the National Assembly held before the war did include some honest individuals, most of those “elected” were products of fraud. At that time, the chief architect of these sham elections was Chu Minyi, now a notorious traitor, while party organs secretly covered up every irregularity, shrouding the whole process in a thick web of intrigue that has long been the laughingstock of both China and abroad. Among the elected representatives were traitors, enemy spies, corrupt officials, and local tyrants—indeed, a veritable rogues’ gallery. To convene a constituent assembly with such members would yield nothing more than a sterile, bureaucratic document; to hold a legislative session with them would simply perpetuate one-party dictatorship under a new guise. If one wishes to act arbitrarily, why bother masquerading behind the banner of constitutional government? We, the members of this association, strongly oppose this approach and urge the government to thoroughly revise the Electoral Law for Members of the National Assembly and to hold fresh elections. Only in this way can we align with the demands of united resistance. Otherwise, we shall only be going in the opposite direction, inviting widespread ridicule and bringing no benefit to the nation. This is the second point we wish to convey to our compatriots.

Third: The Organic Law of the National Assembly must be radically amended, and the National Assembly should be established as the supreme organ of state power. Under the existing law, the Assembly’s powers are limited to drafting the Constitution and setting the date for its enforcement, after which its mandate comes to an end. This arrangement reflects a deliberate intention to prevent genuine constitutional governance from taking effect and to keep the National Assembly from becoming a body empowered to lead the nation in its struggle for survival—a lingering vestige of one-party dictatorship. We, the members of this association, cannot possibly endorse such an Organic Law, which is at odds with the requirements of the War of Resistance. We insist on its complete revision, arguing that the National Assembly ought to be the highest authority in the land. First, in addition to drafting the Constitution and determining its date of entry into force, the National Assembly should serve as the organ responsible for enforcing it. Second, it should have the power to determine fundamental policies on both domestic and foreign affairs. Third, it should possess the authority to elect, supervise, and remove government officials. Fourth, it should have the power to enact national laws. Fifth, a standing committee should be established to carry out the Assembly’s duties during periods when it is not in session. Only in this way can the National Assembly meet the urgent needs of the current perilous situation and avoid being reduced to a mere decorative facade. The claim that the specific organ responsible for enforcing the Constitution remains undefined by the Constitution itself, and therefore the Organic Law cannot grant the National Assembly the power to enforce it, is pure self-deception. The National Assembly is, by definition, the highest organ of state power, as stipulated by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Dr. Sun once said: “After the promulgation of the Constitution, the central governing authority shall be vested in the National Assembly. The National Assembly shall have the power to elect and remove central government officials, as well as to draft and ratify central legislation.” If the National Assembly is not to serve as the enforcing body, then what other organ could possibly fulfill that role?  The success of any endeavor depends on sincerity. Without genuine commitment to constitutional government, it is better not to speak of it at all. True commitment entails opening up political power, genuinely practicing democracy, and inspiring the people to take charge of their own salvation and national revival, rather than resorting to temporary expedients. This is the fundamental prerequisite for convening the National Assembly. This is the third point we wish to communicate to our fellow citizens.

Fourth: A nationwide, comprehensive, and in-depth constitutional movement should be launched, allowing the people to freely discuss constitutional issues and participate in the election of National Assembly representatives. Anti-Japanese political parties should enjoy the legal right to exist and to compete in the race for seats in the National Assembly. Without a mass movement, without freedom of speech, assembly, and association, and without the legitimate right of anti-Japanese parties to organize and operate, all talk of constitutional government is nothing more than empty rhetoric, yielding no tangible results whatsoever. If we persist in this course, no matter how beautifully worded the constitutional provisions may be, they will remain nothing but meaningless ink on paper. No matter how grandly the term “constitutional government” may be touted—even if it has long been used by a single party or faction as a pretext for monopolizing power—it will amount to nothing more than a hollow pretense. Only with a sincere determination to change course and begin anew together with the people can we finally permit the populace and all anti-Japanese parties and organizations to freely debate constitutional matters and to vote for their representatives. This is the fourth point we wish to proclaim to our fellow citizens.

These four points constitute the position of our association, reflecting the collective will of the Chinese people. We firmly believe that the trend toward democratic constitutional government is inexorable, despite all obstacles, and that it will ultimately prevail. In this autumn of national crisis, when external enemies have penetrated deep into our territory, the democratization of the state is indeed the most effective means of ensuring the nation’s survival. Through the concerted efforts of the Kuomintang, the Communist Party, and all anti-Japanese parties and the broad masses of the people, we can gradually achieve democratic constitutional government. This is a conviction we share wholeheartedly and wish to convey sincerely to all our compatriots.

On the occasion of the establishment of this association, we lay bare our thoughts and appeal to all those of good will: Let us rise up and act together!

Republic of China, Year 19, November 10, 1940  Wu Yuzhang, Chairman of the Yan’an All-Sectors Association for the Promotion of Constitutional Government; Mao Zedong, Member; Chen Shaoyu; Zhang Wentian; Wang Jiaxiang; Kang Sheng; Chen Yun; Deng Fa; Lin Boqu; Li Fuchun; Gao Gang; Gao Zili; Luo Ronghuan; Xiao Jingguang; Tan Zheng; Zhang Bangying; Xie Juezhai; Ke Qingshi; Teng Daiyuan; Zhang Hao; Meng Qingshu; Feng Wenbin; Zhang Qinqiu; Ding Ling; Cao Yi’ou; Ai Siquan; Zhou Yang; Wang Xuewen; Xu Guangda; Wu Liangping; Chen Boda; Nan Hanchen; Li Chuli; Yang Song; He Sijing; Zhao Yimin; Chen Kangbai; Fu Lianzhang; Gao Langting; Cao Juru; Nao Zheng; Wang Lin; Ye Li; Zhuang Leijing; Tian Bai; Zhenbang Gao; Shuxian Gao.