[Editor’s Note: When this communiqué was included in the Selected Works of Mao Zedong, its title was changed to “Ten Demands to the Kuomintang.” The text as published in the Selected Works remained largely unchanged; only a few sentences were slightly revised—for example, “upholding Chairman Chiang” was deleted, and “our national government” was altered to “the National Government”—in order to avoid any implication of recognizing the Kuomintang government’s legal legitimacy. Interestingly, however, the long list of names, organizations, and newspaper titles appearing at the beginning and end of the original document was entirely omitted.]

To Mr. Lin, Chairman of the Chongqing National Government; to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek; to all the various councils, ministries, committees, and departments; to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang; to the various bureaus of the Provisional Political Council; to the National Political Consultative Conference; to the Anti-Aggression League; to the Sino-Soviet Cultural Association; to the War Zone Party and Government Committee; to the Life Bookstore; to the Commercial Press; to the Zhonghua Book Company; to the Young Journalists’ Association; to the Literary and Artistic Community Anti-Enemy Association; to the Central News Agency; to the Kuo-Hsin News Agency; to the Ta Kung Pao; to the Xinhua Daily; to the Sao Dang Daily; to the Central Daily; to the Three Principles of the People Youth League; to the provincial governments; to the provincial consultative assemblies; to the provincial party organizations; to the Committees for Supporting the War Effort; to the Press Associations; to all major daily newspapers; to the universities of Sichuan, Yunnan, and Hanzhong; to the Xi’an and Zhu Lin Military Headquarters; to the commanders-in-chief of all war zones; to the commanding generals of all army groups; to the soldiers fighting on behalf of the nation; and to our fellow countrymen engaged in the War of Resistance:

On February 1, the Yan’an Rally in Support of Chiang and Against Wang was held amid profound indignation. Participants unanimously resolved to denounce Wang Jingwei as a traitor who had surrendered to the enemy and to pledge unwavering support for Generalissimo Chiang in his determination to carry the war of resistance to victory. In order to avert the grave crisis confronting our nation and to secure ultimate triumph in the war, we hereby set forth ten fundamental measures for saving the country. We earnestly hope that our national government, all political parties and factions, the soldiers fighting on behalf of the nation, and all our compatriots will adopt and implement these proposals.

First: Launch a nationwide campaign to root out Wang Jingwei. It is well known that this traitor has gathered a band of followers, colluded with the enemy, concluded secret pacts of treason, and acted as an accomplice to Japan, thus deserving death at the hands of every patriotic citizen. Yet what has been exposed is but the public face of Wang Jingwei; there remains a hidden network of collaborators whose activities are far more insidious. These clandestine agents flaunt their power, seize key positions, operate in secrecy, and have infiltrated every level of society. Corrupt officials and bureaucrats are their allies, while those skilled in provoking friction serve as their subordinates. Unless a nationwide movement is launched—from cities to villages, from high-ranking officials to ordinary people—mobilizing party, government, military, civilian, press, and academic circles alike to join forces against Wang, his faction will never be eradicated, and the calamities he has unleashed will continue to plague the nation. He would invite foreign aggressors within and sow chaos among our own people, with consequences too dreadful to contemplate. The government should issue an order calling upon the entire nation to rise up against Wang. Those officials who fail to comply must be held accountable. Our sole objective must be to annihilate Wang’s supporters and consign them to destruction. This is the first measure we urge you to adopt and implement.

Second: Strengthen unity. Some today speak not of unity but of “unification,” implying that true unification can be achieved only by abolishing the Communist Party, disbanding the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, liquidating the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, and suppressing all local anti-Japanese forces. They seem unaware that it is precisely the Communist Party, together with the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, and the Border Region, that has consistently championed genuine national unification. Were it not for the Communists, the Eighth Route Army, and the Border Region that advocated a peaceful resolution of the Xi’an Incident? And who else, if not they, initiated the united front against Japanese aggression and tirelessly worked to establish a unified democratic republic? Who else stood on the very front lines of national defense, repelling seventeen Japanese divisions, safeguarding North and South China, and steadfastly upholding the Three Principles of the People and the Program for National Reconstruction through Resistance? Since Wang Jingwei began preaching anti-communism and collaboration with Japan, demagogues like Zhang Junmai and Ye Qing have echoed his rhetoric, while anti-communist and obstinate elements have perpetuated strife under the guise of “unification.” By abandoning the spirit of unity and sowing discord, they have revealed their true intentions—intentions that are now plain for all to see. The Communists, the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, and the Border Region, on the other hand, firmly advocate for genuine unification against sham unification, for rational unification over irrational unification, and for substantive over formal unification. True unification rests not on capitulation but on resistance; not on division but on unity; not on regression but on progress. Only a unification founded upon resistance, unity, and progress can be considered authentic, reasonable, and practical. Any attempt to achieve “unification” outside this framework, no matter how cleverly disguised or obscurely presented, is nothing more than a futile endeavor. As for the various local anti-Japanese forces, they should be treated with equal respect and care, without favoritism or discrimination. By fostering trust, providing assistance, offering support, and rewarding their contributions, while dealing with them honestly and avoiding deception, and treating them generously rather than narrowly, we may hope that, barring those with ulterior motives, all will unite and work together toward the goal of a unified nation. Unification must be built upon unity, and unity must be grounded in progress. Progress enables unity, and unity makes unification possible—this is an undeniable truth. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this second measure.

Third: Implement constitutional governance. After years of tutelage, during which no tangible results have been achieved, it has become clear that the time has come to reverse course and prioritize constitutional rule. However, freedom of speech remains curtailed, political parties are still prohibited, and all such practices remain fundamentally anticonstitutional. Under these conditions, any constitution drafted would be little more than a mere formality, and any attempt to govern under such a constitution would amount to one-party dictatorship. At this critical juncture, when our nation faces unprecedented challenges, failure to change course could result in unchecked interference from Japan and Wang’s collaborators abroad, coupled with internal sabotage, placing both the nation’s lifeline and the lives of its people in grave danger. It is imperative that our government immediately lift the ban on political parties and foster a vibrant public discourse as a sincere demonstration of its commitment to constitutional governance, thereby earning the trust of the people and ushering in a new era for our country. There is no more urgent task at hand. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this third measure.

Fourth: Put an end to provocations. Since last February, when the so-called “Measures for Restricting the Activities of Other Parties” were promulgated, calls for restricting, assimilating, or even eliminating non-Kuomintang elements have resounded throughout the country. Tragic incidents have followed one after another, leaving bloodstains everywhere. As if that were not enough, last October another set of “Procedures for Handling Matters Concerning Other Parties” was issued. In the Northwest, North China, and Central China regions, additional “Implementation Plans for Addressing Issues Related to Other Parties” were subsequently introduced. Observers argue that we have now entered a phase of military-level restrictions on non-Kuomintang forces, and there is good reason to agree. For what are these so-called restrictions but a thinly veiled form of anti-communism—a treacherous scheme hatched by Japan and Wang Jingwei to destroy our nation? Such developments have stirred widespread alarm and anxiety, with people fearing a replay of the atrocities of a decade ago. The situation has reached a boiling point: in Hunan, the Pingjiang Massacre occurred; in Henan, the Queshan Massacre took place; in Hebei, Zhang Yinwu launched an attack on the Eighth Route Army; in Shandong, Qin Qirong annihilated guerrilla units; in eastern Hubei, Cheng Ruhuai ordered the execution of several hundred Communist Party members; and in eastern Gansu, the Nationalist central forces launched a large-scale offensive against Eighth Route Army garrisons. Most recently, within Shanxi province, old-guard Nationalist troops once again attacked newly formed units, simultaneously encroaching upon Eighth Route Army positions. If these destructive tendencies are not swiftly halted, they will inevitably lead to mutual annihilation, rendering any prospect of victory in the war utterly impossible. The government should issue an order punishing all those responsible for these atrocities and publicly declare that no further incidents of this nature will be tolerated, so as to promote unity and strengthen the war effort. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this fourth measure.

Fifth: Protect the youth. A concentration camp has recently been established near Xi’an, where over seven hundred progressive young people from the Northwest and Central Plains provinces have been confined and subjected to both mental and physical enslavement, reduced to a state akin to prisoners. The cruelty of such treatment is beyond words. What crime have these young people committed to deserve such torment? Youth represent the very essence of our nation, and progressive youth are especially precious assets in our struggle against the enemy. Freedom of belief is an inherent right of every individual, and thought cannot be suppressed by force. The heinous crimes of the cultural suppression campaigns of the past decade stand as stark testimony to this fact. Why, then, do we seek to repeat them today? The government should promptly issue a nationwide directive to protect young people, abolish the concentration camp near Xi’an, and strictly prohibit all forms of abuse and humiliation directed at youth. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this fifth measure.

Sixth: Provide aid to the front lines. The anti-Japanese forces on the front lines—such as the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, and other units—are woefully underserved. They suffer from inadequate clothing and food, frequent shortages of ammunition, and a lack of medical supplies. Meanwhile, malicious actors run rampant, spreading reckless slander and baseless accusations that deafen the ears of all who hear them. Meritorious service goes unrewarded, hard work goes unrecognized, and plots to discredit and undermine multiply with alarming speed. Such conditions deeply demoralize our soldiers and play directly into the hands of the enemy—an intolerable situation. The government should both provide ample support to these valiant forces and sternly prohibit slander and false accusations, in order to bolster morale and enhance combat effectiveness. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this sixth measure.

Seventh: Abolish the secret police agencies. Their rampant abuses have led some to compare them to Zhou Xing and Lai Junchen of the Tang dynasty, or to Wei Zhongxian and Liu Jin of the Ming dynasty. Rather than focusing on external threats, these agencies devote themselves to domestic repression, carrying out mass killings, indulging in unbridled corruption, and serving as hotbeds of rumor-mongering and intrigue. No group has done more to instill fear and mistrust throughout the nation than these ruthless secret agents. To restore the government’s credibility, it is essential to dismantle these agencies, reorganize them, and clearly define their mission as combating only foreign enemies and domestic traitors. Only in this way can public confidence be regained and the foundations of our nation strengthened. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this seventh measure.

Eighth: Eradicate corrupt officials. Since the outbreak of the war, some have amassed fortunes exceeding 100 million yuan, while others have taken as many as eight or nine concubines. Whether it involves conscription, the issuance of war bonds, economic controls, or relief efforts for disaster victims and refugees, corrupt officials have seized every opportunity to enrich themselves. With such a pack of wolves preying upon our nation, it is hardly surprising that our affairs have spiraled out of control. Public anger has reached its peak, yet no one dares expose their true nature. To avert the imminent collapse of our state, it is imperative to take decisive action and thoroughly purge all corrupt officials. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this eighth measure.

Ninth: Fulfill the testament of the Premier. The Premier’s testament declares: “For forty years I devoted myself to the National Revolution, with the aim of securing freedom and equality for China. Through four decades of experience, I have come to realize that achieving this goal requires awakening the masses.” How profound these words are! Yet among our 450 million people, many recite the testament but few truly follow it. Indeed, those who abandon the testament are rewarded, while those who strive to implement it are punished—a most peculiar state of affairs. The government should issue an order declaring that anyone who violates the testament—refusing to awaken the masses and instead trampling upon them—shall be guilty of betraying Dr. Sun Yat-sen. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this ninth measure.

Tenth: Put the Three Principles of the People into practice. The government and Generalissimo Chiang have repeatedly instructed all levels of authority to fully implement the Three Principles of the People.
However, despite these earnest exhortations, words fall on deaf ears. Many individuals, prioritizing anti-communism above all else, have abandoned their duties in the war effort. Whenever the people rise up to resist the enemy, they are met with relentless pressure and suppression—such people are, in effect, renegades of the nationalist cause. Furthermore, officials deny the people even the most basic democratic rights—these individuals, too, have forsaken the principles of democracy. And those who turn a blind eye to the suffering of the populace have likewise abandoned the principle of people’s livelihood. In the eyes of such individuals, the Three Principles of the People are merely empty slogans. Those who genuinely seek to put them into practice, however, are often ridiculed and harshly punished, leading to a proliferation of absurd phenomena and a complete erosion of faith in these principles. It is urgently necessary to issue another clear directive, rigorously overseeing their implementation nationwide, and imposing severe penalties on those who disobey. Conversely, those who faithfully adhere to the directive should be commended and rewarded. Only in this way can the Three Principles of the People finally be put into practice, laying a solid foundation for our ongoing struggle against the enemy. We therefore urge you to adopt and implement this tenth measure.

All ten of these measures constitute a grand plan for saving the nation and a vital blueprint for the war of resistance. At a time when the enemy’s machinations grow ever more menacing and Wang Jingwei’s treachery reaches its zenith, we feel compelled to voice our concerns. Should these proposals be adopted and implemented, it would bring great fortune to the war effort and to the cause of the Chinese nation’s liberation. We humbly submit this appeal and eagerly await your guidance.

The Presidium of the Yan’an Rally in Support of Chiang and Against Wang: Mao Zedong, Wang Ming, Zhang Wentian, Lin Boqu, Wu Yuzhang, Wang Jiaxiang, Kang Sheng, Chen Yun, Deng Fa, Li Fuchun, Gao Gang, Xiao Jingguang, Zhang Hao, Zhang Bangying, Xu Guangda, Meng Qingshu, Tan Zheng, Tang Hongchen, Gao Langting, Feng Wenbin, Guan Rui Cai, together with thirty thousand participants.




February 1, 1940