1939.1222

Chapter One: Chinese Society

Section One: The Chinese Nation

Our China is one of the largest countries in the world, its territory exceeding the entire area of Europe. On this vast territory, there are vast fertile lands, providing us with the source of food and clothing; there are large and small mountain ranges crisscrossing the country, providing us with vast forests and rich mineral resources; there are many rivers and lakes, providing us with the benefits of boats and irrigation; there is a very long coastline, providing us with the convenience of communication with various overseas nations. From very ancient times, the ancestors of our Chinese nation have labored, lived, and multiplied on this vast land.

Currently, China's borders: in the northeast, northwest, and part of the western border, are contiguous with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The western part borders India, and the southwestern part borders Burma, Laos, and Vietnam. The southern part borders Siam. The eastern part borders Korea, which is adjacent to Japan, Bhutan, and Nepal. This is a geographical environment surrounded by many countries, and the international environment is complex. The main difficulty is: the imperialist countries, with Japanese imperialism relatively close, are taking advantage of their surrounding sea, land, and air countries to closely relate to China, and at all times are persecuting China's survival and China's revolution in a colonial and semi-colonial manner.

Our China now has a population of 450 million, almost a quarter of the world's population. Among these 450 million people, the Han people account for the vast majority, while there are also dozens of minority ethnic groups, such as the Mongolians, Hui, Tibetans, Manchus, Yi, Miao, Yao, Li, and others. Although their degree of civilization varies, they have all lived in China for a long time. The Chinese nation is a nation with a glorious history of thousands of years. In the long history of the Chinese nation, the equality and development of various ethnic groups have been promoted (the vast majority are the Han people, who have developed from the original primitive communal system to a society with private ownership and class divisions). This is the same as the original primitive communal system of other peoples in the world, which has also collapsed. From the time when social life transitioned to class life, through slave society and feudal society, until now, it has been five thousand years.

In the history of the Chinese nation's civilization, there has been a well-developed agriculture and handicraft industry, many great thinkers, scientists, inventors, politicians, and military strategists, and rich cultural classics. As early as three thousand years ago, China had the invention of the compass. As early as seventeen hundred years ago, China had already invented paper. Eight hundred years ago, China had already invented printing. Five hundred years ago, China had already invented gunpowder. One hundred years ago, China had already invented the application of electricity. Therefore, China is one of the earliest countries in the world to develop civilization.

The Chinese nation is not only known throughout the world for its hard work and endurance, but is also a nation that deeply loves freedom and has a revolutionary tradition. Taking the history of the Han people as an example, it proves that the Chinese people cannot tolerate the rule of dark forces, and they use revolutionary means each time to achieve the goal of overthrowing and transforming this rule. In the thousands of years of Han history, there have been hundreds of peasant uprisings, resisting the dark rule of the landlord class; and each change of dynasty has been successful due to the power of peasant uprisings. The people of all ethnic groups in the Chinese nation resist oppression from foreign nations, and they all want to use the means of resistance to eliminate this oppression. They advocate equal unity and do not advocate mutual oppression. In the thousands of years of history of the Chinese nation, many national heroes and revolutionary leaders have emerged. Therefore, the Chinese nation is also a nation with a glorious revolutionary tradition and excellent historical heritage.

Section Two: Ancient Feudal Society

Although China is a great nation-state, although it is a country with a vast territory, a large population, a long history, and a rich revolutionary tradition and excellent heritage, China has been stagnant for a long time since it moved from the slave system to the feudal system. This feudal system has continued for more than three thousand years since the Zhou and Qin dynasties. Due to the continuation of the feudal system, China's economy, politics, and culture have long been trapped in a state of slow development or even stagnation. Chinese society for three thousand years has been a feudal society.

The economic and political systems of China's feudal era were created by the following main characteristics:

1.  The self-sufficient natural economy occupies the main position. Farmers not only produce the agricultural products they need, but also produce most of the handicrafts they need. The land of the landlords and nobles is also mainly for their own enjoyment, not for exchange. Although there was the development of exchange at that time, it did not play a decisive role in the entire economy.

2.  The feudal ruling class—landlords, nobles, and emperors—owned the largest part of the land, while farmers had very little land or no land at all. Farmers used their own tools to cultivate the land of landlords, nobles, and the imperial family, and offered 40%, 50%, or 60-70% of the harvest to the landlords, nobles, and the imperial family. This kind of agricultural rent is actually still serfdom.

3.  Landlords, nobles, and the imperial family not only forced farmers to pay land rent, but also forced farmers to engage in unpaid labor, to support themselves, and a large group of state officials, such as the army used by the state to suppress the peasants.

4.  Protecting this feudal exploitation system is the feudal state of the landlord class. If it is a feudal state where the princes are divided and vying for hegemony, then after Qin Shihuang unified China, he established a feudal state with autocratic centralism, while still retaining the state of feudal division to some extent. In the feudal state, the emperor has supreme power, and officials at all levels in various places are in charge of military, criminal, financial, and grain matters, and rely on landlords and gentry as the foundation of the entire feudal rule.

The peasants of all dynasties in China lived a poor and miserable slave-like life under this feudal economic exploitation and feudal political oppression. Farmers were bound by the feudal system and had no personal freedom. Landlords had the right to beat, scold, and even execute farmers at will. Farmers had no political rights. The extreme poverty and backwardness of the peasants caused by such cruel exploitation and oppression by the landlord class is the basic reason why Chinese society has stagnated economically and socially for thousands of years.

The main contradiction in feudal society is the contradiction between the peasant class and the landlord class. In such a society, only peasants and handicraft workers are the basic classes that create wealth and create culture. The landlord class's cruel economic exploitation and political oppression of the peasants has inevitably stirred up countless peasant uprisings and peasant wars in history, resisting the dark rule of the landlord class. From the Qin Dynasty's Chen Sheng and Wu Guang, the Sui Dynasty's Li Mi and Dou Jiande, the Tang Dynasty's Huang Chao, the Song Dynasty's Song Jiang and Fang La, the Yuan Dynasty's Zhu Yuanzhang, the Ming Dynasty's Li Zicheng, to the Qing Dynasty's Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, there have been no less than hundreds of peasant wars, all of which are large-scale peasant revolutionary movements in world history. Only these peasant uprisings and peasant wars are the real driving force of historical progress. Because the result of each peasant uprising and peasant war struck at the feudal rule at that time, it also changed the social relations of production to some extent and promoted the development of social productive forces to some extent. It is only because there were no new productive forces and new methods of production at that time, no new class forces, and no correct leadership from the Communist Party, that these peasant wars and peasant uprisings inevitably failed. Even if some peasant revolutions were used by landlords and nobles to replace dynasties, they only changed the feudal dynasty's tools. In this way, the feudal economic relations and feudal political system were basically continued, although there were some changes. This situation continued until the last hundred years, when new changes occurred.

Section Three: Modern Colonial, Semi-Colonial, and Semi-Feudal Society

The society of China in the past three thousand years was a feudal society, as has already been explained. So, is China's current society still a completely feudal society? No, China has changed. Since the Opium War of 1840, China has gradually become a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. Since the September 18th Incident of 1931, when Japanese imperialism armedly invaded China, China has become a colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal society. Now we will explain the process of this change.

As mentioned in Section One, China's feudal society continued for more than three thousand years. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, due to the invasion of foreign capitalism, major changes occurred within this society. The invasion of foreign capitalism once played a disintegrating role in China's social economy. Because of the invasion of foreign capitalism, on the one hand, it destroyed China's self-sufficient natural economy, destroyed the handicraft industry in cities and the family handicraft industry of farmers; on the other hand, it promoted the development of commodity economy in China's urban and rural areas. These situations not only played a disintegrating role on the foundation of China's feudal economy, but also created certain objective conditions and possibilities for the development of capitalist production in China. Because the destruction of the natural economy created a market for capitalist commodities, and the bankruptcy of a large number of peasants and handicraft workers created a market for the purchase of labor for capitalism.

In fact, due to the stimulation of foreign capitalism and the destruction of certain feudal economic structures, as early as the second half of the nineteenth century, as early as sixty years ago, some merchants, landlords, and bureaucrats began to invest in modern industry. By the end of the century and the beginning of the twentieth century, forty years ago, China's national capitalism began its initial development. By the decade before the present, that is, during the First World War of Imperialism, because the European and American imperialist countries were busy with the war, they temporarily relaxed their oppression of China, and China's national industry was able to develop further. For example, the number of textile factories increased from 15 in 1915 to 44 in 1921; the flour industry increased from 67 factories in 1916 to 107 factories; the silk weaving industry increased by 63 factories. During this period, the number of Chinese banks also increased by 108.

The process of the emergence and development of Chinese national capitalism is the process of the emergence and development of the Chinese bourgeoisie and proletariat. If a part of the merchants, landlords, and bureaucrats are the predecessors of the Chinese bourgeoisie, then a part of the peasants and handicraft workers are the predecessors of the Chinese proletariat. The Chinese bourgeoisie and proletariat, as two special social classes, are newly emerging. They are classes that have never existed in Chinese history and are mutually opposed. They are born out of the old feudal society of China and constitute new social classes. They are twins.

But the relationship between the two is not only related but also opposed. The emergence and development of the proletariat in China is accompanied by the invasion and development of imperialism in China. Not only is it accompanied by the operation of enterprises by Chinese national capitalism, but the Chinese bourgeoisie is older in age and qualification than the proletariat, so its social power and social foundation are also broader.

However, the new changes in capitalist development mentioned above are only one aspect of the changes that have occurred since imperialism invaded China. There is also another aspect of this change that exists at the same time and hinders this change, which is that imperialism colludes with Chinese feudal remnants to oppress the development of Chinese capitalism. The purpose of the imperialist powers invading China is definitely not to turn feudal China into capitalist China. The purpose of the imperialist powers is exactly the opposite. They want to turn China into their semi-colony and colony. For this purpose, the imperialist powers have adopted and continue to adopt military, political, economic, and cultural means of oppression against China, making China step by step into a semi-colonial and colonial state.

1.  After defeating China in war and occupying its territory, the imperialist countries seized and occupied China's many affiliated countries and parts of its territory. Britain occupied Burma and Nepal and Hong Kong, France occupied Annam, and even a small country like Portugal occupied our Macau.

2.  In addition to ceding territory, the imperialists also demanded huge indemnities from China based on unequal treaties. They stationed naval and land forces in China, and exercised judicial and administrative power over China, and divided China into several spheres of influence for imperialism.

3.  Based on treaties, the imperialists controlled all important trading ports in China, and demarcated parts of many trading ports as concessions directly managed by them. They controlled China's customs and foreign trade, and controlled China's transportation (sea, land, air, and inland rivers). Therefore, they were able to subordinate China's agricultural production to the needs of imperialism.

4.  The imperialists also operated many light and heavy industrial enterprises in China in order to directly utilize China's raw materials and cheap labor, and to directly compete with China's national industry.

5.  The imperialists monopolized China's financial and fiscal affairs by lending money to the Chinese government and opening banks in China. Therefore, they not only overwhelmed China's national capitalism in commodity competition, but also strangled its throat in finance and fiscal affairs.

6.  From China's commercial cities to remote rural areas, the imperialists created a network of comprador and commercial usury exploitation, creating a comprador class and a commercial usury class that served imperialism, in order to facilitate their exploitation of the vast Chinese peasantry.

7.  In addition to the comprador class, imperialism also needs a larger social force to serve as a pillar for their rule in China. They first formed an alliance with the ruling class of the previous social structure—the feudal landlords, commercial and usurious bourgeoisie—to attack the majority of the masses. "Imperialism everywhere attempts to preserve all pre-capitalist forms of exploitation (especially in the countryside) and uses them as a basis for its reactionary alliance with the feudal remnants and their entire military-bureaucratic superstructure, in order to exploit the masses." (Stalin's speech at the Executive Committee of the Communist International)

8.  In order to create the necessary conditions for Chinese warlords to fight each other and suppress the Chinese people, the imperialists supplied the Chinese government and warlords with a large amount of military fire and a large number of military advisers.

9.  In addition to all the above methods, the imperialists did not relax their efforts to paralyze the spirit of the Chinese people, which is their cultural policy. Missionary work, running schools, running newspapers, and attracting students to study abroad are the implementation of this policy. Its purpose is to cultivate intellectual cadres who obey them and to fool the vast Chinese people.

10. The imperialists used all the above methods to gradually turn China into a semi-colony. This situation was created by imperialism after many cruel wars. For example, the British Opium War in 1840, the Anglo-French Allied Forces' invasion of Beijing in 1860, the Sino-French War in 1884, and the Sino-Japanese War in 1894. After these wars, China became a semi-colony jointly divided and competed for by the main imperialist countries, and the above-mentioned semi-colonial situation appeared. Since the "September 18th" Incident of 1931, the large-scale offensive by Japanese imperialism has further reduced a large piece of Chinese territory to a Japanese colony.

The above-mentioned situations are another aspect of the new changes since imperialism invaded China, which is a blood-stained picture of turning a feudal China into a semi-colonial and colonial China. From this, it can be understood that imperialism's invasion of China has one aspect of promoting the disintegration of Chinese feudal society, causing capitalist factors to occur in China, and turning a feudal society into a semi-feudal society; but at the same time, it cruelly ruled China, turning an independent China into a colonial and semi-colonial society.

Combining these two aspects of the situation, our colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal society has the following characteristics:

1.  The feudal economy still occupies a significant position, and the old self-sufficient natural economy is maintained, but the foundation of this natural economy has been undermined by capitalism and high usury. However, the combination of landlords and the comprador bourgeoisie still carries out cruel exploitation of the peasants.

2.  National capitalism has made some development and plays a certain role in China's political and cultural life; however, it has not become the main form of China's social economy, and its strength is very weak, and it is connected to both foreign imperialism and domestic feudal remnants.

3.  The autocracy of emperors and nobles has been overthrown, but what has replaced it is not the rule of warlords and bureaucrats, but the dictatorship of the landlord and big bourgeoisie alliance. In the occupied areas, it is the rule of Japanese imperialism and its puppets.

4.  Imperialism not only manipulates the lifeline of China's finance and economy, but also manipulates China's political and military power. In the occupied areas, everything is monopolized by Japanese imperialism.

5.  Due to the long-term disunity of China, and due to the vast territory of China under imperialist rule or semi-rule, China's economic, political, and cultural development is extremely unbalanced in reality.

6.  Due to the dual oppression of imperialism and feudal remnants, especially due to the large-scale offensive by Japanese imperialism, the vast majority of the Chinese people, especially the peasants, are increasingly impoverished and even bankrupt, living a life of hunger and cold and without any political rights. The special poverty and lack of freedom of the Chinese people are rare among the nations of the world.

The international and domestic characteristics of China's colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal society determine this situation. The main forces are the forces of Japanese imperialism and the combination of foreign imperialism and domestic feudal remnants. The contradiction between imperialism and the Chinese nation, and the contradiction between feudal remnants and the masses of the people, are the main contradictions in contemporary Chinese society. (Of course, there are other contradictions, such as the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, and the contradictions within the ruling class, etc.) And the contradiction between imperialism and the Chinese nation is the most important contradiction among all contradictions. The struggle and intensification of these contradictions cannot but create an increasingly developing revolutionary movement. The great modern and contemporary Chinese revolution has arisen and developed on the basis of these fundamental contradictions.

Chapter Two: The Chinese Revolution

Section One: The Revolutionary Movement of the Last Hundred Years

The process of imperialism and Chinese feudal remnants combining to turn China into a semi-colony and colony is also the process of the Chinese people resisting imperialism and its running dogs. From the Opium War, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement, the Sino-French War, the Sino-Japanese War, the Hundred Days' Reform, the Boxer Rebellion, the Xinhai Revolution, the May Fourth Movement, the May Thirtieth Movement, the Northern Expedition, the Land Revolution, to the current War of Resistance Against Japan, all demonstrate the Chinese people's spirit of continuous resistance to imperialism and its running dogs.

For a hundred years, the Chinese people's unyielding and continuous heroic struggle has made it impossible for imperialism to destroy China to this day, and it will never be able to destroy China. Now, although Japanese imperialism is exhausting its strength to launch a large-scale offensive against China, although many landlord and big bourgeoisie elements, such as the open Wang Jingwei and the hidden Wang Jingwei and his ilk, have surrendered to the enemy or are preparing to surrender to the enemy, this heroic Chinese people not only have fought for three years, but will inevitably continue to fight until they drive Japanese imperialism out of China and achieve complete liberation for China.

The history of China for a hundred years (counting from the Xinhai Revolution of 1911, there are thirty years; counting from the Opium War of 1840, there are seventy years) has experienced a whole revolutionary process. This revolutionary process has not yet been completed, and the task of the revolution has not yet achieved significant success, and it still requires the people of the whole country, especially the Chinese Communist Party, to shoulder the responsibility of resolute struggle.

So, who exactly is the object of this revolution? What exactly is the task of this revolution? What is the driving force of this revolution? What is the nature of this revolution? And what is the future of this revolution? These are what we will explain below.

Section Two: The Object of the Chinese Revolution

According to the analysis in Section Three of Chapter One, we already know that China's current society is a colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal society. Only by recognizing the nature of Chinese society can we recognize the object of the Chinese revolution, the task of the Chinese revolution, the driving force of the Chinese revolution, the nature of the Chinese revolution, and the future of the Chinese revolution. Therefore, recognizing the nature of Chinese society, that is, recognizing China's "national conditions," is the basis and foundation for recognizing all revolutionary problems.

Since the nature of Chinese society at the present time is colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal, then who exactly are the main objects or main enemies of the revolution at the present stage in China? It is none other than imperialism and semi-feudal forces, that is, the foreign bourgeoisie and the domestic landlord class. Because in the current stage of Chinese society, the main things that oppress and prevent Chinese society from moving forward are none other than them—these two—colluding with each other to oppress the Chinese people, and the national oppression of imperialism is the greatest oppression, so imperialism is the first and most vicious enemy of the Chinese people.

Since the armed invasion of China by Japan, the main enemies of the Chinese revolution are Japanese imperialism and all traitors who openly surrender or prepare to surrender in collusion with Japan.

The Chinese bourgeoisie was originally also oppressed by imperialism. They also once led glorious revolutionary struggles, and also once played a major or partial leading role in the revolution, such as the Xinhai Revolution, the Northern Expedition, and the current War of Resistance Against Japan. However, they once colluded with imperialism during the long period from 1927 to 1936, and formed an anti-communist alliance with the landlord class, betraying their friends who had helped them—the Communist Party, the proletariat, the peasant class, and other petty bourgeoisie—betraying the Chinese revolution, and causing the failure of the revolution. Therefore, the revolutionary people and the revolutionary party (the Communist Party) had to regard the bourgeoisie as one of the objects of the revolution.

During the War of Resistance Against Japan, a part of the big landlords and big bourgeoisie, represented by Wang Jingwei, have already defected and become traitors, so the people who resist Japan have already had to regard these traitors as enemies. From this, it can also be understood that the big bourgeoisie who betray the nation and benefit themselves are always stronger and more powerful enemies of the revolution.

Therefore, there are not only imperialist and feudal forces, but also a bourgeoisie that colludes with imperialism and feudal forces to oppose the people. Therefore, the view that underestimates the strength of the enemies of the Chinese revolution is incorrect. In the face of such enemies, the protracted and cruel nature of the Chinese revolution arises. Because our enemies are exceptionally powerful, the revolutionary forces must accumulate and train themselves for a long period of time to become a force sufficient to finally defeat the enemy. Because the enemy's suppression of the Chinese revolution is exceptionally cruel, the revolutionary forces must temper and develop their tenacity in order to maintain their positions and seize the enemy's positions. Therefore, the view that the Chinese revolutionary forces can be formed in an instant and that the Chinese revolutionary struggle can be victorious in an instant is incorrect.

In the face of such enemies, the method of the Chinese revolution, the main form of the Chinese revolution, cannot be peaceful, but must be armed, which is also determined. Because our enemies do not give the Chinese people the possibility of peaceful activities, and the Chinese people do not have any political freedom. Stalin said: "The characteristic of the Chinese revolution is that armed people oppose armed counter-revolution." This is a correct provision. Therefore, the view that underestimates armed struggle, underestimates revolutionary war, underestimates guerrilla warfare, and underestimates army work is incorrect.

In the face of such enemies, the revolutionary army, which is strong and unwilling to compromise with imperialism and its running dogs, must occupy the countryside for a long time as a base of operations. If the revolutionary army is unwilling to temper and strengthen itself, and avoids fighting a decisive battle with the powerful enemy when its strength is insufficient, then it must prepare to turn the backward rural areas into advanced and consolidated bases, creating vast revolutionary positions in military, political, economic, and cultural terms, in order to oppose the vicious enemies who use the cities to attack the rural areas, and to gradually win the entire victory of the revolution in a long-term battle.

Under this circumstance, due to the uneven development of China's economy (the rural economy is not completely dependent on the cities), the lack of unity, and the existence of various contradictions in various places (due to the vastness of China's territory), and due to the fact that the revolutionary forces have room for maneuver in the rural areas, under the leadership of the Communist Party, it is possible for the Chinese revolution to win victory first in the rural areas on the one hand; and on the other hand, it creates an unbalanced state of the revolution, and brings protractedness and arduousness to the cause of striving for the entire victory of the revolution.

From this, it can also be understood that the long-term revolutionary struggle carried out on this special basis is mainly the peasant guerrilla warfare under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Therefore, the view that ignores the rural areas as revolutionary bases, the view that ignores the arduous work of carrying out the revolution among the peasants, and the view that ignores guerrilla warfare are all incorrect.

However, emphasizing armed struggle does not mean that other forms of struggle can be abandoned. On the contrary, without the cooperation of various forms of struggle other than armed struggle, armed struggle cannot be victorious. Emphasizing work in rural base areas does not mean that work in cities and other vast rural areas that have not yet become base areas can be abandoned. On the contrary, without city work and other rural work, the revolutionary base areas will be isolated and the revolution will fail. Moreover, the ultimate goal of the revolution is to seize the cities that serve as the enemy's main base areas. Without the necessary and sufficient city work, this goal cannot be achieved.

From this, it can also be understood that in order to make the revolution victorious in both rural and urban areas, it is impossible not to destroy the enemy's main force—the enemy's army. Therefore, the work of disintegrating the enemy's army becomes an important task.

From this, it can also be understood that in carrying out the Communist Party's propaganda and organizational work in the reactionary and dark cities and reactionary and dark rural areas that have been occupied by the enemy for a long time, it is impossible to adopt the adventurous policy of acute illness, and it is necessary to adopt the policy of long-term accumulation to wait for the opportunity. The strategy of leading the people to fight against the enemy must utilize all available open and legal methods within the scope permitted by laws, decrees, social customs, and proceed step by step and steadily from the point of view of being reasonable, advantageous, and restrained. It is definitely not a method that can be successful by shouting loudly and rushing around.

Section Three: The Task of the Chinese Revolution

Since the main enemies of the Chinese revolution at the present stage are imperialism and feudal remnants, then what is the task of the Chinese revolution at the present stage? There is no doubt that the main task is to strike at these two enemies, that is, the national revolution to overthrow the oppression of imperialism externally, and the democratic revolution to overthrow the oppression of feudal remnants internally, and the primary task is the national revolution to strike at imperialism.

The two major tasks of the Chinese revolution are interrelated. If the rule of imperialism is not overthrown, feudal remnants cannot be eliminated, because imperialism is the main supporter of feudal remnants. Conversely, if feudal remnants are not overthrown, imperialism cannot be overthrown, because feudal remnants are the main social basis for imperialism's rule in China. Therefore, the two basic tasks of national revolution and democratic revolution are mutually distinct and mutually unified.

The task of national revolution in China today is mainly to oppose Japanese imperialism invading our territory, and the task of democratic revolution is to complete it for the necessity of winning victory. The two revolutionary tasks have been linked together. The view that divides the national revolution and the democratic revolution into two completely opposite revolutionary stages is no longer appropriate.

Section Four: The Driving Force of the Chinese Revolution

Based on the analysis and definition of the nature of Chinese society at the present stage, the object of the Chinese revolution, and the task of the Chinese revolution, what is the driving force of the Chinese revolution? Since Chinese society is a colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal society, since the object of the Chinese revolution is mainly the rule of foreign imperialism in China and the internal semi-feudal forces, and since the task of the Chinese revolution is the national revolution and democratic revolution to overthrow these two oppressors, then among the various classes and strata in Chinese society, what classes and what strata can serve as the forces against imperialism and against feudal forces? This is the question of the driving force of the Chinese revolution at the present stage. Only by recognizing this question of the revolutionary driving force can the basic strategic question of the Chinese revolution be correctly resolved.

What classes are there in Chinese society at the present stage? There is the landlord class, there is the bourgeoisie, and these two classes are the upper ruling classes. There is also the proletariat, there is the peasant class, and there are various types of petty bourgeoisie. These last three classes are still the ruled classes in the vastest territory today. The attitude and position of all these classes towards the Chinese revolution are determined entirely by the position they occupy in the social economy. Therefore, the nature of the social economy not only determines the object and task of the revolution, but also determines the driving force of the revolution.

We will now analyze the various classes in Chinese society.

1.  The Landlord Class

The landlord class is the main social basis for imperialism's rule in China. It is the class that exploits and oppresses the peasants, and it is the class that hinders the progress of Chinese society politically, economically, and culturally without any benefit. Therefore, as a class, the landlord class is the object of the revolution, and it is not the driving force of the revolution.

However, among the landlords, there is a distinction between the reactionary big landlords and the middle and small landlords, especially the impoverished and semi-bankrupt small landlords, who have relatively different situations. When the revolution is still opposing imperialism and the big landlords, they are often able to maintain neutrality or temporarily participate in the struggle. In particular, many intellectuals who come from this class and have received scientific education are able to do so.

During the War of Resistance Against Japan, a part of the big landlords followed a part of the big bourgeoisie (the capitulationists) and have already surrendered to Japan and become traitors. Another part of the big landlords followed another part of the big bourgeoisie (the diehards), and although they are still in the anti-Japanese camp, they have already become very wavering. However, enlightened gentry from many middle and small landlords, that is, landlords with some capitalist colors, still have the enthusiasm to resist Japan, and it is still worth uniting them to resist Japan together.

2.  The Bourgeoisie

The bourgeoisie has the distinction between the comprador big bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. The comprador big bourgeoisie is a class that directly serves the capitalists of imperialism and is raised by them, and they have inextricable links with the feudal forces in the countryside. Therefore, in the history of the Chinese revolution, the big bourgeoisie has never been the driving force of the Chinese revolution, but the object of the Chinese revolution.

Because the comprador big bourgeoisie in China belongs to various imperialist factions, when the contradictions between the various imperialist forces are sharply opposed, and when the revolution mainly opposes a certain imperialism, the comprador class belonging to other imperialist systems may also participate in the current anti-imperialist front to a certain extent and for a certain period of time. Once their masters rise up to oppose the Chinese revolution, they will immediately oppose the revolution.

During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the pro-Japanese big bourgeoisie (the capitulationists) have already surrendered and are preparing to surrender. The pro-European and American big bourgeoisie (the diehards), although still in the anti-Japanese camp, are very wavering. They are two-faced figures who resist Japan on the one hand and oppose communism on the other. Our policy towards the big bourgeoisie capitulationists is to regard them as enemies and resolutely overthrow them. As for the big bourgeoisie diehards, they are the two-faced policy of the revolution: on the one hand, we unite with them, because they are still resisting Japan and should still use their remaining anti-Japanese enthusiasm; on the other hand, we wage a resolute struggle against them, because they are implementing a high-pressure policy of destroying unity and opposing communism and the people. Without struggle, it will endanger the War of Resistance and unity.

The national bourgeoisie is a dual class. On the one hand, the national bourgeoisie is oppressed by imperialism and bound by feudal remnants, so they have contradictions with imperialism and feudal remnants. From this point of view, they are one of the driving forces of the revolution. In the history of the Chinese revolution, they have also shown this anti-imperialist and anti-bureaucratic warlord government enthusiasm. But on the other hand, due to their economic and political weakness, and due to the fact that they have not completely severed economic ties with imperialism and feudal remnants, they do not have the courage to thoroughly oppose imperialism and feudalism. This situation is most obvious when the revolutionary forces of the masses become powerful.

This duality of the national bourgeoisie determines that they can participate in the revolution against imperialism and the bureaucratic warlord government to a certain extent and for a certain period of time, and they can become a driving force of the revolution. In another period, there is a danger of following behind the big bourgeoisie and becoming an assistant to the counter-revolution.

However, the majority of the national bourgeoisie in China are middle-class bourgeoisie. Although they followed the big landlords and big bourgeoisie in opposing the revolution from 1927 to 1931 (the September 18th Incident), this class has basically not grasped political power, and is restricted by the reactionary policies of the big landlords and big bourgeoisie in power. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, this class is not only different from the big bourgeoisie capitulationists, but also different from the big bourgeoisie diehards. To this day, you are our better allies, so it is absolutely necessary to adopt a cautious policy towards this class.

3.  Various Types of Petty Bourgeoisie

Among them are intellectuals, urban poor, clerks, handicraft workers and freelancers, and small merchants. All these petty bourgeoisie, like the peasant class, are oppressed by imperialism, feudal remnants, and the big bourgeoisie, and are increasingly moving towards bankruptcy and destitution. Therefore, the petty bourgeoisie is one of the driving forces of the revolution and is a reliable ally of the proletariat. The petty bourgeoisie can only be liberated under the leadership of the proletariat.

We will now analyze the various types of petty bourgeoisie that do not include peasants.

The first is intellectuals and young students. In the past decade, China has created a large group of intellectuals and young students. Among this group of people, apart from a part of the intellectuals who are close to imperialism and the big bourgeoisie and serve them and oppose the masses, the vast majority are oppressed by imperialism, feudal remnants, and the big bourgeoisie, causing them to suffer from the threat of unemployment and lack of education. Therefore, they have great revolutionary potential. They have more or less modern scientific knowledge and are rich in political sense. In the current stage of the Chinese revolution, they can play the role of pioneers and bridges. The student movement before the Xinhai Revolution, the May Fourth Movement of 1919, the May Thirtieth Movement of 1925, and the December 9th Movement of 1935 are obvious examples. In particular, the vast majority of relatively poor intellectuals and semi-intellectuals can unite with the peasants, participate in and support the revolution. The widespread dissemination and acceptance of Marxism-Leninism in China is also first among intellectuals and young students. The organization of revolutionary forces and the construction of revolutionary cause cannot be successful without the participation of revolutionary intellectuals.

However, before intellectuals are integrated with the revolutionary struggle of the masses of the people, before they are determined to serve the interests of the people and make their lives mass-oriented, their thoughts are often empty and their actions are often wavering. Therefore, the vast majority of revolutionary intellectuals in China have the role of pioneers and bridges, but not all of these intellectuals can be revolutionary to the final victory. A part of them, at the critical moment of the revolution, often break away from the revolutionary ranks and take a passive attitude. A small number of them may even become enemies of the revolution. Guo Moruo is a representative of a small number of intellectuals. Intellectuals often have a subjective and individualistic arrogance. This shortcoming can only be washed away in long-term mass struggles.

The second is the urban poor. This class includes bankrupt handicraft workers, small vendors, peasants who have left their hometowns to find jobs in the cities but cannot find them, and a large group of coolies who rely on irregular labor to maintain their lives. They are a large mass, and their position is roughly equivalent to that of the poor peasants, and they are a semi-prolet