June 1, 1939. Just as the Chinese people's resolute and unyielding War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression enters its second anniversary, the British China Aid Committee has organized a "China Week" across the country to express support for our war effort. On behalf of Comrade Zhu De and the officers and soldiers of the Eighth Route Army, on behalf of our soldiers in frontline and rear hospitals, and on my own behalf as well, I wish to express how profoundly encouraged and heartened we are by such demonstrations of sympathy and concern. We respectfully extend our gratitude and warmest salutations to the British people, who stand together with us on the international anti-aggression front. China's two-year War of Resistance has already proven the strength of democratic forces in resisting aggression. These two years of war have demonstrated that even a country that is industrially backward and subject to various forms of oppression and humiliation in its national life can resist the most brutal and tyrannical fascist onslaught with full confidence in victory. Moreover, it has proven not only that China's War of Resistance cannot be separated from the global forces against aggression, but that the blows we have struck against the aggressors have placed our nation at the very forefront of the international struggle to protect democracy and civilization worldwide, on the principal front against fascism. From the very beginning of the war, we witnessed the British people extending material aid to our war effort, donating medical supplies, dispatching ambulance units to serve in China, and making many tangible expressions of sympathy. This shows that, despite the vast geographical distance separating China and Britain, our War of Resistance is by no means a matter of indifference to the British people. However, given the position our war holds in the worldwide struggle against aggression, we have the right to ask for more—more assistance than we have received so far.

First, we urge you to scrutinize your government's stance and press it to adopt resolute action, ceasing all arms exports to Japan. Just a few weeks ago, the British Embassy and Consulate-General in Chongqing were damaged during Japan's indiscriminate bombing of the capital. In response to this affront, the British government has shown only the feeblest diplomatic posture, replying with no more than a paper protest. It is precisely this kind of attitude that emboldens Japan to sweep away British interests at every opportunity. The most effective way for the British people to curb the Far Eastern bandits and simultaneously aid China is to exert firm pressure on their government to impose sanctions on Japan without delay. Japan's co-conspirators, the fascist nations of Germany and Italy, have over these two years colluded with it to undermine peace, tear up international treaties, and ignite bloody, inhuman wars. Their activities already pose a direct threat to Britain's security. This is another reason why the British people must compel their government to support China's War of Resistance and themselves take steps that complement China's contributions to the anti-aggression front. Opposing fascism does not require us to wage isolated wars. The threat is universal; therefore, it must now be fought on a global scale. For instance, Japan has recently intensified its anti-British propaganda in the occupied areas. Thus, aiding China—the nation fighting the enemy in the Far East—is also essential for the self-defense of the British people.

In light of all these circumstances, we propose that you adopt concrete and effective measures to strengthen Britain's policy, enabling the British government and people to stand united in their desire and actions to curb the Japanese aggressors. For the independence and freedom of our nation, and for the peace and freedom of all humanity, we have fought resolutely for two years. During these two years, the Japanese warlords have exploited despicable and shameless defeatists like Wang Jingwei, attempting to undermine our War of Resistance by sabotaging the Anti-Japanese National United Front. But our friends can rest assured: over the past two years, the unity of the Chinese people has matured, and our resolve to fight to final victory has been greatly strengthened. Both the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang are more resolutely implementing our shared resolutions and supporting Chairman Chiang Kai-shek in leading our war. Defeatists like Wang Jingwei, who previously could hide in the rear plotting surrender, can no longer conceal their true colors and have been exposed and driven out. Geographically, China and Britain are far apart, but the common aspiration of our peoples to defeat fascist aggression binds us together. Let us join hands to vanquish the common enemy of humanity.

The Sino-British Cultural Association, the Xinhua Daily, the New China Daily, and the Journal of the Eighth Route Army Military and Political Affairs have all asked me to write a commemorative article. With many materials at hand, I had planned to write an essay commemorating the second anniversary of the War of Resistance, which would also serve as a reply to the criticisms, challenges, and doubts raised from certain quarters since the publication of "On Protracted War" and "The New Stage." I intended to title it "On Protracted War Again." Here, I can only briefly discuss the crisis in the current situation.

The very first, overarching question that the Chinese nation has always faced before the aggressor, Japanese imperialism, is the question of whether to fight or not. From September 18th to the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, this question was debated with extraordinary intensity. "Fight and survive; do not fight and perish"—this is the conclusion of all patriotic parties and compatriots. "Fight and perish; do not fight and survive"—this is the conclusion of all capitulationists. The cannon fire at the Marco Polo Bridge temporarily resolved this debate; it declared the first conclusion correct and the second wrong.

But why did the Marco Polo Bridge cannon fire only temporarily settle this question without resolving it definitively? Owing to Japanese imperialism's policy of inducing surrender, the compromising attempts of international capitulationists, and the wavering of certain elements within China's anti-Japanese front, the question was simply rephrased into the so-called "war versus peace" problem, stirring a struggle within China between the pro-war faction and the pro-peace faction. Their arguments remain the same: "Fight and survive; make peace and perish"—the conclusion of the pro-war faction. "Make peace and survive; fight and perish"—the conclusion of the pro-peace faction.

Yet, the pro-war faction encompasses all patriotic parties, all patriotic compatriots, the vast majority of the nation; the pro-peace faction, i.e., the capitulationists, in terms of numbers, are merely a group of wavering elements within the anti-Japanese front. Therefore, the so-called pro-peace faction is compelled to engage in deceptive propaganda, with anti-communism as its primary tool. Thus, a blizzard of fake news, fake reports, fake documents, and fake resolutions is fabricated—claims that the Communist Party is stirring up trouble, that the Eighth Route Army and New Fourth Army "wander without fighting" and refuse to follow orders, that the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region is a separatist regime expanding outward, that the Communist Party is plotting to overthrow the government, and even that the Soviet Union is scheming to invade China. These fabrications obscure the truth, attempting to shape public opinion to achieve their aim of making peace, i.e., surrendering.

The pro-peace faction, the capitulationists, act thus because the Communist Party is the initiator and steadfast upholder of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. Without opposing the Communists, they cannot break down KMT-CPC cooperation, cannot split the Anti-Japanese National United Front, and cannot surrender.

Next, they pin their hopes on concessions from Japanese imperialism. They claim: "Japan is already at the end of its rope; it will change its fundamental policy and voluntarily withdraw from central China, south China, even north China, so China can achieve victory without fighting further."

Third, they pin their hopes on international pressure. Many so-called pro-peace elements not only hope that the great powers will step in to pressure Japan, forcing it to make concessions so peace can be negotiated, but also hope that these nations will exert pressure on the Chinese government itself, so they can say to the pro-war faction: "You see, such is the international atmosphere; what hope is there in continuing to fight? We must settle for peace." "A Pacific International Conference would benefit China; it is not Munich, but a step toward China's rejuvenation!" These are the entire set of views, tactics, and schemes of China's pro-peace faction—the capitulationists.

This clique includes not only Wang Jingwei, but more seriously, numerous Zhang Jingweis and Li Jingweis lurking within the anti-Japanese front, colluding with Wang Jingwei from within and without, some playing a duet, others acting out a double-deception.

We Communists openly declare: We have always stood firmly with the pro-war faction; we resolutely oppose those in the pro-peace faction. We wish only to work alongside all patriotic parties and compatriots nationwide to consolidate unity, strengthen the Anti-Japanese National United Front, solidify KMT-CPC cooperation, implement the Three Principles of the People, fight the war to the bitter end, reaching the banks of the Yalu River, and recover all lost territories—we know no other aim.

We firmly denounce those overt Wang Jingweis and covert Wang Jingweis who fan anti-communist sentiment, instigate KMT-CPC friction, and even plot to provoke another KMT-CPC civil war. We say to them: The essence of your divisive conspiracy is nothing but a preparatory step toward surrender, and your policies of capitulation and division are merely the expression of an entire plan to betray national interests for the private gain of a few. Every citizen has eyes, and the people will expose your schemes.

We firmly denounce the absurd talk that a Pacific Conference would not be an Eastern Munich. The so-called Pacific Conference is precisely an Eastern Munich, a plan to turn China into Czechoslovakia.

We firmly denounce the empty rhetoric that Japanese imperialism can be made to see reason or offer peace and concessions. Japanese imperialism's fundamental policy of destroying China is absolutely immutable. The sweet words and honeyed phrases Japan has spoken since the fall of Wuhan—for example, abandoning its so-called policy of "not dealing with the Nationalist Government as a counterpart" and instead recognizing it as such, or conditions like withdrawing troops from central and south China—are a treacherous policy of offering bait to hook and then devour the prey. Whoever takes the bait is prepared to be devoured.

International capitulationists seek to lure and abet aggression against China; they sit on the mountain and watch the tigers fight, awaiting the opportune moment to instigate a so-called Pacific mediation conference and thereby reap the spoils. Pinning hopes on these schemers will likewise lead to being thoroughly deceived.

The question of whether to fight or not has now been transformed into the question of war versus peace, but its nature remains the same—it is the first and most fundamental of all questions. In the past half year, due to the intensification of Japan's inducement policy, the active maneuvers of international capitulationists, and, most critically, the increased wavering of certain elements within China's anti-Japanese front, the so-called peace issue has been stirred into a raging clamor. Thus, capitulation becomes the principal immediate danger in the current political situation, while anti-communism—splitting KMT-CPC cooperation and anti-Japanese unity—becomes the capitulationists' primary preparatory step toward surrender. Under these circumstances, all patriotic parties and compatriots nationwide must keep their eyes wide open and watch the activities of these capitulationists closely. They must recognize the unmistakable fact and key characteristic that capitulation is the main danger in the current situation and that anti-communism is preparation for surrender, and they must exert every effort to oppose capitulation and division. The war that has been fought for two years with the flesh and blood of the entire nation against Japanese imperialism absolutely cannot permit any faction to waver or commit treachery. The Anti-Japanese National United Front and KMT-CPC cooperation, forged and recognized through the efforts of the entire nation, absolutely cannot allow any faction to be destroyed or split. If we fight on and stay united, China will survive. If we settle for peace and allow division, China will perish. Which course to take, the people must choose. We Communists are determined to fight on and stay united. All patriotic parties and compatriots nationwide are also determined to fight on and stay united. Even if the capitulationists' schemes to surrender and divide gain temporary ascendancy, in the end the people will expose them and bring them to justice. The historical task of the Chinese nation is to unite in resistance and seek liberation. The capitulationists seek to act contrary to this path; no matter how powerful they become or how they exult, believing "none under heaven dare harm me," yet in the end, they will surely face the judgment of the entire nation. Oppose capitulation and division—this is the urgent, immediate task for all patriotic parties and compatriots nationwide. People of the entire nation, unite! Persist in resistance and unity, and crush the schemes of capitulation and division! (Chongqing) Volume III, Combined Issues 8 & 9, July 16, 1939; collected essays on current affairs, Volume V, August 1, 1939; A Guide to the Anti-Japanese National United Front (VII), Liberation Press, July 1940.