Comrades: I am very pleased to hear about the convening of the model youth celebration meeting today, so I have come to attend.

Just now, Comrade Feng Wenbin [2] has already spoken at length and very well. Among his remarks, there was one sentence: "We must strive permanently."

What I want to talk about today is precisely this point.

When I was studying in the past, I did not have the good conditions you enjoy now.

At first, I read the books of Confucius, that is, the sort of thing like "To learn and constantly review, is it not a pleasure?"

Later, I entered a Western-style school and received some bourgeois education.

Although I heard a little about the words of Sun Yat-sen and Marx in school, I only truly learned about Sun Yat-senism and Marxism after leaving school.

Now you can hear about everything, just a bit less of Confucius alone.

You can see many books, such as Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People, the Premier's Testament, and books on Marxism, as well as on the strategies and tactics of the War of Resistance Against Japan, and so on.

At that time, I could not see a single one of these books.

Nineteen years ago, the Communist Manifesto was printed in very small quantities nationwide. Where could one find such good theories?

How could you enjoy such happiness as you do now?

The era in which you are growing up is very good—it is an era of happiness. Compared to the era when I was a student, it is vastly different.

You model youth were elected during the 20th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement, which holds immense significance.

Twenty years ago, the youth who participated in the May Fourth Movement in Beijing were true model youth, because they opposed the traitorous government, shed blood in the May Fourth Movement, and took part in that struggle.

These youth were the revolutionary vanguard. For the liberation, independence, freedom, and happiness of the Chinese nation, they waged that struggle with extraordinary bravery.

Many of them remain today. The many outstanding members in the Chinese National Liberation Vanguard [3] and the Northwest Youth National Salvation Association [4] are those who have remained from that time.

Many of the revolutionary youth of that era later became Communist Party members.

China's youth movement has an excellent revolutionary tradition, and that tradition is "permanent struggle."

Our Communist Party has inherited this tradition. Now it has been passed down, and in the future, we must continue to pass it on.

However, there are also some people who struggled very bravely in Beiping during the May Fourth Movement but later changed. Among them were Zhang Guotao [5], as well as Kang Baiqing and Luo Jialun [6] and some others.

They were all vanguards during the May Fourth Movement era. And now? They have become a desertion squad.

Wang Jingwei, before the May Fourth Movement, went with fervent passion to assassinate the regent—the protector of Emperor Xuantong.

At that time, he was extremely brave.

But the news in recent days has not been good. He slipped from Hanoi to Shanghai, and then from Shanghai to the capital of Japan to meet the Japanese Emperor, and discussed matters with Japanese Prime Minister Hiranuma, negotiating the "Jingwei-Hiranuma Agreement."

We will not discuss how many words or clauses are in this agreement. In short, it amounts to four big characters: "Destroy China."

Wang Jingwei thirty years ago, and Kang Baiqing, Luo Jialun, and Zhang Guotao twenty years ago—they were all very brave, but they all had one shortcoming: their struggle was relatively weak, lacking the spirit of "permanent struggle."

What is a model youth? One must possess this quality—the quality of permanent struggle.

Of course, other qualities are also needed, such as those Comrade Feng Wenbin just spoke about: intellectual education, moral education, physical education, aesthetic education, group education, and so on. But in my view, "permanent struggle" is the most essential one. Without it, everything else is empty.

To what extent should one struggle? One must struggle for five years, ten years, forty years, fifty years, even sixty or seventy years. In a word, one must struggle unto death. If one has not died, one has not yet reached the goal of permanent struggle.

There is an old poem that says: "Duke Zhou feared the day when rumors spread; Wang Mang was humble and courteous toward scholars. Had they died at that time, who could tell their true character through the ages?" [7] Among our historians, this is called "final judgment upon the closing of the coffin," meaning that only when a person dies can one determine whether he was good or bad.

If Duke Zhou had died when those rumors were circulating, people would certainly have affixed to him the label of "treacherous minister"; and if Wang Mang had died during that period of humility and deference, later generations would surely have praised him.

But we are not discussing history now, nor are we passing judgment on which of those two men was good or bad. However, it illustrates that only upon death can a person's merits, faults, rights, and wrongs be finally determined.

We say: Permanent struggle means struggling unto death.

This permanent struggle is extremely important. If one is to speak of morality, one should speak of this particular moral principle.

Model youth must set an example in this regard.

There are many other areas in which to set an example. For instance, one must have a correct direction politically. But merely having this correct political direction is not enough. If after three or five years, one discards it, wouldn't it all be in vain? Therefore, after having the correct political direction, one must also remain steadfast. That is, one must have "a firm and correct political direction."

This direction must be unshakable. One must uphold this direction with the backbone of "not being corrupted by riches and honors, not being swayed by poverty and lowliness, and not submitting to force and intimidation."

Such youth are truly model youth.

Such morality can truly be considered genuine political morality.

This is how we view morality.

Some people loudly cry out about morality and integrity, but politically they are not steadfast and will change their integrity midway. This is without morality and without virtue.

I have said before that China's youth movement has historically had two currents: one is the revolutionary current; the other is the reactionary current.

During the era of the May Fourth Movement, one current demanded national independence, realized democratic politics, improved people's livelihoods, stood together with workers and peasants, stood together with the common people. Their stance was bright and just.

The other current compromised with imperialism. They also said they would strike down imperialism, but they only struck for three days. On the fourth day, they no longer struck down imperialism but became friends with the imperialists.

They said they wanted revolution and democratic politics, but that also lasted only three days. On the fourth day, they oppressed the common people.

"Arouse the masses"—this was said by Mr. Sun Yat-sen on his deathbed. The ancients said, "When a man is near death, his words are good." Yet some only aroused the masses for three days and stopped on the fourth.

As for improving people's livelihood, it was nowhere to be seen.

This is the reactionary current, which we call the "adverse current."

During the Great Revolution era, there were two youth organizations in Guangdong: one was the Young Soldiers' Association [8], and the other was the Sun Yat-senism Society [9]. These two organizations represented those two currents.

The former was revolutionary—they stood together with the broad masses of youth nationwide, together with the toiling masses of workers and peasants.

The latter was anti-people and anti-Communist.

They fought against the Communists for ten years, and during that time, some among them grew rich and became officials by opposing the Communists.

Now they still raise both hands—one hand strikes Japan, and the other hand strikes the Communist Party.

They want to resist Japan and also oppose the Communists. Is this feasible?

Some people have little understanding of history and do not know much about these matters.

Looking at history, Wang Jingwei struggled here and there, and in the end, his struggle led him to dine with the Japanese Emperor, setting himself against the entire nation.

Now there are quite a few people opposing the Communists. On the one hand, they say Japanese imperialism is hateful and must be overthrown; on the other hand, they say the Communist Party must also be overthrown.

When you try to come to Yan'an, some people forbid it and arrest you. You have come here through great hardship, "passing five passes and slaying six generals" just to arrive in Yan'an.

They say you are no good, but I think you are very good—excellent model youth.

They forbid you to come to Yan'an, saying Yan'an is no good.

Indeed, Yan'an is not good—it has few trees and insufficient funds. But Yan'an has democratic politics and political freedom. To them, of course, this is not good.

Now they resist Japan with one hand and oppose the Communists with the other. In the future, it is possible that both hands will join together, all intent on attacking the Communist Party. The only outcome can be making intimate ties with Japanese imperialism, surrendering to the enemy, and ceasing to resist Japan.

"Anti-Communism means destroying China"—this was spoken by Generalissimo Chiang.

These words must be proclaimed to the world, so that youth across the nation know, so that common people across the nation know, that the Communist Party must never be opposed.

Now, we in the Communist Party eat millet and yellow rice, and we even have to grow our own food, carrying out production movements. Meanwhile, the anti-communist eat well and in abundance, and do nothing but evil.

Here is a clear example: In Yan'an County, there were two county magistrates. One received a monthly salary of two yuan, the other a monthly salary of 180 yuan. The one getting two yuan was a Communist Party member; the one getting 180 yuan was an anti-communist.

Yet the area governed by the anti-communist had only one cave dwelling, and all he did was oppose the Communists, engage in sabotage, and carry out secret agent work.

If they continue opposing the Communists like this, they will inevitably become running dogs of imperialism.

There is no dog in the world that does not run, and no anti-communist who will not surrender to Japanese imperialism.

Comrades, model youth, you must all understand that persisting in anti-communism will lead to becoming running dogs of imperialism.

Their aim in opposing the Communists is to eliminate the Communist Party.

They say the Communist Party is no good because it advocates hard work and plain living.

The Communist Party has a style of hard struggle and can endure hunger and cold to fight Japanese imperialism.

In the past, when the Red Army crossed the grasslands during the Long March, they went fifty days without food, eating tree bark. Only the Communist Party could manage this; no one else could.

We Communist Party members "eat tree bark," while local tyrants, evil gentry, and corrupt officials "scrape the earth bare."

So if the Communist Party is eliminated, China will be in grave trouble.

Everyone must support the Communist Party, and the common people across the nation must also support the Communist Party.

On the contrary, those bad elements who oppose the Communists, profit from the national crisis, and thrive on friction should all be swept away.

Today, sitting here as model youth, you must struggle against these anti-communist elements, oppose compromise and surrender, and oppose anti-communism.

Your future is bright. You must represent the vast majority of the common people across the nation, represent all patriots, all who resist Japan, all who seek China's independence, freedom, and happiness—and you must represent them forever.

When you grow old, you must educate your sons to also represent them; sons will pass it on to sons, grandsons to grandsons, and so on through the generations. And let it spread from one to ten, ten to a hundred, a hundred to a thousand, spreading throughout all of China, not stopping until the goal is reached.

We must surely strive in this way, persist over the long term, and see the revolution through to success, to the very end.

Model youth, you must engrave this point firmly in your hearts—"Permanent struggle."

Published based on the transcript of the speech preserved in the Central Archives.

Notes

[1] This is a speech delivered by Mao Zedong at the Model Youth Celebration Meeting in Yan'an.

[2] Feng Wenbin, born in 1910, a native of Zhuji, Zhejiang. At the time, he served as deputy secretary of the Central Youth Work Committee of the Communist Party of China.

[3] The Chinese National Liberation Vanguard, abbreviated as "Minxian" or "Minxian Team," was a revolutionary youth organization formed in February 1936 by progressive youth from the December 9th Movement under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. After the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, many Minxian members participated in the war effort and the establishment of anti-Japanese base areas. Minxian organizations in areas under Kuomintang rule were forcibly disbanded by the Kuomintang government in 1938. Minxian organizations in anti-Japanese base areas were later merged into the broader Youth National Salvation Association.

[4] The Northwest Youth National Salvation Association, founded in April 1937, was a mass organization led by the Communist Party of China during the War of Resistance Against Japan that united youth from all sectors in Northwest China for anti-Japanese activities.

[5] Zhang Guotao (1897–1979), a native of Pingxiang, Jiangxi. During the May Fourth Movement in 1919, he served as a member of the Peking University Student Council and as head of the lecture department and general secretary of the Beijing Student Union. In 1921, he participated in the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China. He later held leadership positions in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, and the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army.

Engaged in activities to split the Party and the Red Army during the Long March, and established a separate Central Committee.

After arriving in northern Shaanxi, served as Vice Chairman and Acting Chairman of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government.

In April 1938, under the pretext of attending a ceremony at the Mausoleum of the Yellow Emperor, he fled the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, passed through Xi’an to Wuhan, and joined the Kuomintang secret service, becoming a traitor to the Chinese revolution. He was promptly expelled from the Party.

[6] Kang Baiqing (1896–1958), a native of Anyue, Sichuan. In 1918, together with Fu Sinian, Luo Jialun, and others, he organized the New Tides Society, a new literary group that advocated literary revolution. That same year, he joined the Young China Association. In March 1919, together with Deng Zhongxia and others, he initiated the founding of the Mass Education Lecture Corps. In 1920, he went to study in the United States. After returning to China, he held concurrent posts such as military advisor and councilor in the armies and organs of various warlords.

Luo Jialun (1897–1969), a native of Shaoxing, Zhejiang. In 1919, together with Fu Sinian and others, he published the monthly journal New Tides and threw himself into the New Culture Movement. In May of that year, he took part in the May Fourth Movement, serving as a representative of Beijing’s student community in making contacts in Nanjing, Shanghai, and other places. In 1920, he went abroad to study and returned to China in 1926. He served as councilor of the General Headquarters of the National Revolutionary Army, chairman of the Editorial Committee, and director of the Education Department of the Field Political Affairs Committee. He supported Chiang Kai-shek in launching the April 12 counter-revolutionary coup and subsequently held posts in Kuomintang Party and government organs for a long time.

[7] These are lines from the poem “Setting Free Words” by the Tang Dynasty poet Bai Juyi. The original poem reads: “I gift you a method to resolve all doubts, / No need to bore tortoise shells or cast divining reeds. / To test jade, burn it a full three days; / To tell a man’s worth, wait but seven years. / The Duke of Zhou dreaded the day when rumors flew; / Wang Mang was humble before he seized the throne. / Had they both died at the outset, / Who would know their lives’ true nature, false or true?” The Duke of Zhou here refers to the younger brother of King Wu of Zhou, Dan, Duke of Zhou. When King Wu’s son, King Cheng of Zhou, succeeded to the throne as a young child, his uncle, the Duke of Zhou, acted as regent.

[8] The Young Soldiers’ Union was a revolutionary military organization established and led by Zhou Enlai while at the Whampoa Military Academy. It was founded on February 1, 1925. With Communist Party members and Communist Youth League members at the Whampoa Academy as its backbone, it united young soldiers from the Guangdong Army Martial Arts School, the Yunnan Army Officers’ School, the Guangxi Army Officers’ School, and other institutions. Its principal members included Jiang Xianyun and Zhou Yiqun. The Union actively propagated revolutionary theory and the Communist Party’s united front policy, rallied revolutionary forces, struck blows against the right-wing elements in the Kuomintang, and waged a tit-for-tat struggle against the reactionary Sun Yat-sen Doctrine Society. It was disbanded following the Zhongshan Gunboat Incident on March 20, 1926.

[9] The Sun Yat-sen Doctrine Society was a reactionary organization established by a group of right-wing elements within the Kuomintang to oppose the revolutionary Young Soldiers’ Union. Its chief ringleaders included Dai Jitao, Wang Bailing, Chen Cheng, He Zhonghan, and Miao Bin.