July 7, 1940  Fellow countrymen and women throughout China, soldiers, and comrades in all parties and factions engaged in the War of Resistance:







The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, with the sincerest and most ardent feelings, pays its respects to our entire nation, to the troops at the front, and to all anti-Japanese comrades of every party and faction—saluting the national revolutionary cause. We express our profound and unending mourning for the martyrs who have laid down their lives over the past three years, and we extend our deepest sympathy to our wounded soldiers and to our suffering compatriots.

The third anniversary of this heroic resistance has demonstrated that Japanese imperialism is doomed to collapse; China will not perish, and final victory will surely belong to the Chinese nation. For in these three years of valiant struggle, Japanese imperialism has been grievously weakened, while the resolve of the Chinese people to carry the war to a victorious conclusion has become firmly entrenched in the hearts of the entire nation. Moreover, the current evolution of the international situation is fundamentally favorable to China.

Nevertheless, an unprecedentedly difficult phase of the war has now arrived. Japanese imperialism is intensifying its offensive against China and has proclaimed its own “Eastern Monroe Doctrine.” Within the Chinese anti-Japanese front, certain elements are beginning to waver, and from abroad there looms the sinister prospect that the Anglo-American-French policy of appeasement in the East may be replaced by a German-Italian peace initiative. The sharpened Japanese drive upon China, reinforced by the concerted air and artillery bombardment of Hitler and Mussolini, seeks to achieve their imperialist war aims: the redrawing of the world order and the enslavement of the peoples of the globe. Meanwhile, British, American, and French imperialism, persisting in their suicidal policy of hostility toward the Soviet Union and communism, coupled with concessions to Germany, Italy, and Japan, has brought about France’s national ruin and Britain’s grave defeat, while simultaneously placing U.S. interests in both the Pacific and Atlantic under severe threat.

The imperialist war has entered a new stage, and the conflicts among the imperialist powers remain unresolved. The unprecedented economic and political crises spawned by this war are assailing the very existence of humanity, inevitably precipitating a world revolution. A revolutionary crisis is deepening among all oppressed peoples and nations. We stand at the threshold of a new era of war and revolution. All imperialist wars are but massacres of the people; only the great and powerful socialist state of the Soviet Union, which has remained outside the vortex of imperialist conflict, can truly serve as a bulwark for the oppressed peoples and nations of the world. The steadfast friends of China’s resistance are none other than the Soviet Union and the peoples of the entire globe.

Under the present changed international circumstances, Japanese imperialism—crushed by mounting internal and external crises—is embarking upon one last desperate gamble. By blockading China’s international lines of communication, launching a full-scale frontal assault, and conducting relentless aerial bombardment—methods designed to heighten pressure and intensify hardship—it hopes to sow division within China and force the country to surrender. Under such mounting pressure and ever-deepening difficulties, certain wavering elements in China will inevitably grow more unstable, turning toward capitulation to the enemy. These individuals are muddle-headed and weak-willed; unable to endure the rigors of war, they fail to discern the path ahead and, at the first sign of peril, begin to falter. They constitute the gravest danger to the anti-Japanese front.





Fellow countrymen and women, soldiers, and comrades of all parties and factions! We now face an era of unparalleled risk of surrender and unprecedented challenges to the resistance. It would be wrong to conceal these dangers and difficulties. The Communist Party of China regards it as its duty to sound the alarm throughout the nation and to point out that the whole country must unite more closely than ever before to surmount these perils and overcome these obstacles.

Wang Jingwei’s capitulation has utterly failed; he and his followers have now become nothing more than the most contemptible playthings in the hands of Japanese imperialism. The surrender of the French bourgeoisie reduced the entire French people to slavery under Hitler, proving once again that surrender leads to no viable出路. The Communist Party of China fully sympathizes with the plight of the French people. We firmly believe that, under the resolute leadership of the French Communist Party, the great French nation will not be destroyed. The struggle of the French people will converge with that of the Chinese people to vanquish the foreign oppressor.  Fellow countrymen and women, soldiers, and comrades of all parties and factions! Every enemy attack must be repelled, every difficulty must be overcome, every plot to surrender must be opposed, and every traitor must be fought to the bitter end. National unity must be strengthened; internal frictions must be eliminated; relations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party must be normalized; the danger of civil war must be eradicated; the United Front for National Resistance must be consolidated; and all the people of China must, under the leadership of Mr. Chiang Kai-shek, persevere in the struggle to ultimate victory. The commitments made by all parties and factions must be honored.  The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China hereby declares to our fellow countrymen and to our fraternal parties: We have always kept our word. In our manifesto of September 11–13, 1927, we pledged to strive for the thorough implementation of the Three Principles of the People, to halt the land revolution, to abandon the policy of armed uprising, to reorganize the Red Army into the National Revolutionary Army, and to transform the soviets into local democratic governments—commitments that we have faithfully fulfilled without deviation. The policies we have pursued within the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region and in various anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines have been entirely consistent with the Three Principles of the People, never exceeding their bounds. We hereby reaffirm: Throughout the War of Resistance and during the period of building a democratic republic, we shall continue to adhere to the principles of the Three Principles of the People. Any accusations that the Communist Party has broken its promises are nothing but malicious slander. On this matter, we call upon the Kuomintang to likewise honor its own pledges and to earnestly implement all political and practical arrangements it has previously agreed to with us, in order to promote unity and the common struggle.  The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China further declares: During the period of united resistance and cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, any policy of internal insurrection or sabotage is strictly prohibited. We have consistently supported Mr. Chiang Kai-shek and the National Government in their unwavering commitment to resist to the end, and we have always upheld our pledge not to engage in insurrection or sabotage. All rumors alleging that the Communist Party will revert to the insurrectionist and destructive tactics of the civil war era are pure fabrications. The Kuomintang, too, should abandon its policy of undermining the Communist Party, so as to ensure the two parties’ unity and long-term cooperation.  The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also declares: We have instructed our own anti-Japanese armed forces to confine their operations to the combat zones, to enemy-held territory behind the lines, and to the thirteen counties of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, refraining from any actions elsewhere that might provoke clashes with friendly forces. Within these areas, our units are to cooperate closely with all other anti-Japanese forces. At the same time, we urge all friendly anti-Japanese units to exercise similar discipline over their own troops, abstaining from any actions that could lead to conflict with the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, thereby safeguarding the unity of the anti-Japanese front. Furthermore, we call upon the National Government to render every possible assistance to the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, and all other anti-Japanese guerrilla units. These forces constitute the vanguard of our national defense. Over the past three years, the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army have engaged in more than ten thousand major and minor engagements, sustaining the resistance deep behind enemy lines and pinning down forty to fifty percent of the enemy nationwide. Yet their conditions are among the most perilous, their living standards the most meager, and their supplies of ammunition the most scarce.  The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China hereby declares: We shall continue to implement the decision adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of our Party in November 1928, which stipulates that “no Party organizations are to be developed among friendly forces.” Local Party organizations that have yet to fully comply with this directive must rectify their practices without delay. Our policy toward all anti-Japanese allies is to unite and consolidate them, not to divide or undermine them. However, we also urge the Kuomintang and all other anti-Japanese forces to adopt the same approach toward the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, in order to dispel suspicion, advance together in the common struggle, and place all military units under the supreme command of the Commander-in-Chief, charged with the mission of destroying the enemy and securing victory.

Our comrades further hold that, in order to overcome the impending, unprecedented risks of surrender and the equally daunting challenges of the resistance, it is imperative to abolish the existing policies of “anti-communism,” “limiting communism,” “integrating communism,” “preventing communism,” and “controlling communism.” For the implementation of these policies has already weakened the resistance and engendered serious unrest among the populace. It must be understood that the resistance can never pursue a dual strategy—combating both external enemies and internal dissenters—such a course would amount to self-destruction. The anti-communist turn taken by the Daladier government of France serves as a stark warning that China must avoid repeating that tragic mistake.

Our comrades further contend that, to surmount these extraordinary threats and difficulties, many aspects of our wartime conduct must be transformed. We must guarantee freedom of speech, publication, assembly, and association in the context of the resistance; release all arrested Communists and patriots; formally recognize the lawful status of all anti-Japanese political groups; convene a democratic National Assembly; abolish harmful secret-police practices; and revise inappropriate fiscal, economic, educational, and military policies. Above all, we must shift the focus of the resistance to self-reliance, rather than relying on unreliable external aid.  Fellow countrymen and women, soldiers, and comrades of all parties and factions! The hour has come when we must confront both the grave danger of surrender and the immense difficulties of the resistance. The Communist Party of China firmly believes that these challenges can and must be overcome. China possesses all the necessary conditions to triumph over any peril and any obstacle; what is required is for the Chinese government and the Chinese people to make wise and effective use of those resources. China is a vast country rich in resources and home to a massive population—by no means comparable to Abyssinia or Spain, nor to the Netherlands or Belgium, nor even to France. Indeed, Japan stands far inferior to Germany in every respect. Moreover, China still maintains a formidable military force, enjoys the unity of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party along with the vast majority of the nation, and can harness the contradictions among the imperialist powers to its advantage. The Soviet Union remains a powerful ally, and the global revolutionary movement offers additional support.  Since the Opium Wars, a full century ago, China has weathered countless crises and accumulated invaluable experience. Among these lessons, the heroic struggle of Dr. Sun Yat-sen stands as a particularly inspiring model for our entire nation. As we now confront this profound national crisis, it is incumbent upon us to heed Dr. Sun’s great legacy—to embrace his revolutionary Three Principles of the People, his policy of allying with Russia and the Communist International, and his program of supporting agriculture and industry—and to follow his dying testament. By casting aside all pessimism, doubt, and fatalistic resignation, and by persevering with indomitable courage and unyielding determination, we can vanquish the threat of surrender, secure victory in the resistance, successfully establish a new republic, and open up a future of boundless promise for the Chinese nation.  Down with Japanese imperialism!  The Seventh Congress of the Communist Party of China coincides with the third anniversary of the War of Resistance. Today, as we commemorate this milestone, we feel all the more keenly our responsibility. The rise and fall of the Chinese nation is the responsibility of the Kuomintang, of all anti-Japanese parties, and of the entire people. Yet in our view, the burden borne by the Communist Party is even greater. Our Central Committee has issued a declaration on the current situation, the central theme of which is to call for unrelenting resistance and unshakeable unity. We hope that our fraternal parties and allied forces will wholeheartedly endorse all the principles set forth in this manifesto.  To all Communists: Only through unswerving resistance can we achieve genuine unity, and only through genuine unity can we sustain the resistance. Communist Party members must set an example—not only in their commitment to the struggle, but also in their dedication to fostering unity. What we oppose most vigorously are the diehard collaborators and staunch anti-communists—the small minority who seek to undermine both the resistance and the spirit of solidarity. In my own investigation of the composition of a local government, I found that among the 1,300 officials serving there, only forty to fifty were openly hostile to the Communist Party—that is, roughly one in twenty-five. The vast majority, by contrast, were inclined to work together in the common cause of resisting the enemy. Naturally, we cannot tolerate such hardliners; to do so would be to allow them to sabotage the resistance and erode the bonds of unity. Therefore, we must resolutely oppose the capitulators and, when confronted with attacks from the anti-communists, defend ourselves with equal firmness. Failure to act in this way would constitute right-wing opportunism and would seriously undermine our efforts to maintain unity and carry forward the resistance. However, for those who are neither diehard collaborators nor irreconcilable anti-communists, we must adopt a policy of engagement and reconciliation. Some may be dupes, others may have been coerced, and still others may have erred temporarily. To all such individuals, we must extend a hand of friendship and continue to strive for unity and joint resistance. To neglect this task would be left-wing opportunism and would likewise jeopardize our efforts to build a cohesive anti-Japanese front.  To all Communists: We have launched the United Front for National Resistance, and it is our solemn duty to uphold this united front. As the national crisis deepens and the international landscape undergoes dramatic change, we find ourselves bearing an enormous responsibility. We must vanquish Japanese imperialism and forge an independent, free, democratic republic. To accomplish this, we must unite the broadest possible coalition—comprising Party members, non-Party activists, and all segments of society. It is impermissible for Communists to form ad hoc, principle-less alliances, for doing so would entail condoning the very practices of “integration,” “limitation,” and “control” that we are fighting to eradicate. Nor may any Communist indulge in right-wing opportunism within the Party. Rather, all Party members must, guided by the principles of the anti-Japanese front, rally around those who remain committed to the struggle and must resist any left-wing opportunism. Toward this end, in matters of governance, we advocate for a system of joint rule by all parties, all sectors, and all military commands—a true united-front framework—rejecting both the unilateral dominance of any single party and the notion of Communist Party hegemony. Instead, we champion a form of shared authority that reflects the diversity of our ranks.  When Communist Party members in enemy-held territory dismantle the puppet regime and establish a legitimate anti-Japanese administration, they should adhere to the “three-thirds” principle decreed by our Central Committee: whether in government posts or in representative bodies, Communist Party members should occupy only one-third of the seats, leaving the remaining two-thirds to non-Party figures. Anyone who does not collaborate with the enemy or espouse anti-communist views should be welcome to participate in governance. Any political group that refrains from collaboration and anti-communism should be afforded the opportunity to take part in the administration under the anti-Japanese banner.  With regard to military affairs, our Party’s manifesto has already affirmed the decision to “refrain from developing Party organizations among friendly forces.” Local Party organizations that have yet to fully implement this directive must promptly correct their practices. All units that have not engaged in military friction with the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army should adopt a friendly posture. Even those units that have previously experienced friction should restore cordial relations once such tensions have subsided. This is how we put the united-front principle into practice in the military sphere. Similarly, in other areas—economic, social, and cultural—we must adjust our policies to balance the interests of different classes, implementing a united-front approach that simultaneously guards against both right-wing and left-wing opportunism.  The current international situation is characterized by the worldwide expansion of the imperialist war. The extreme political and economic crises arising from this conflict are certain to spark a global revolution. We have entered a new era of war and revolution. The Soviet Union, having avoided entanglement in the imperialist maelstrom, stands as a true protector of all oppressed peoples and nations worldwide. These factors are highly conducive to China’s resistance. At the same time, however, Japanese imperialism is preparing to invade Southeast Asia and is intensifying its offensive against China, aiming to lure certain wavering elements into capitulation. The risk of surrender has reached an unprecedented level. The fourth year of the war will be the most arduous yet. Our task is to unite all anti-Japanese forces, to oppose the collaborators, to overcome every obstacle, and to sustain the national resistance. All Communist Party members must work in close concert with their comrades in other parties and factions to fulfill this mission. We are confident that, through the concerted efforts of all Party members, their fraternal allies, and the entire people, we can indeed overcome the threat of surrender, surmount the difficulties, drive out the Japanese aggressors, and restore our homeland—thus opening up a bright future for the resistance.