•. Comrades: Today, all sectors of Yan’an have convened such a grand assembly to implement the National Spiritual Mobilization. Simultaneously, it is May Day, and we are holding this momentous commemorative meeting. This convergence carries profound significance. Today is May 1st. On this day, proletarians and working people worldwide, wherever conditions permit, are staging demonstrations. Comrades, against whom are these demonstrations directed? Against fascism! Against the aggressors! Across the globe, oppressed peoples and nations are organizing marches, rallies, and mass meetings to denounce fascism—to oppose those who plunder and oppress. Wherever possible, they are convening May Day celebrations to protest Japanese imperialist aggression. Meanwhile, throughout the country, under the call of Chairman Chiang Kai-shek, the entire nation—workers, peasants, merchants, students, soldiers; party, government, military, and civilian elements; various parties and factions—are launching the National Spiritual Mobilization. Everyone is taking an oath: to oppose traitors, to uphold the War of Resistance, to unite our strength and will! What is our aim? To defeat Japanese imperialism (applause from the entire hall) and to rescue China from peril, to transform it into a new China. (Applause, followed by shouts: “Down with Japanese imperialism! Create a New China!”…) Such is the significance of today’s gathering—the first point I wish to address. First, why undertake the nationwide National Spiritual Mobilization? Why has Chairman Chiang initiated it? Because our enemy, in pursuit of its objectives and policies, seeks to annihilate all of China. The Japanese fascist warlords are mobilizing the entire nation’s resources to continue their aggressive, murderous campaign against the Chinese people. Moreover, China’s own scoundrels—Wang Jingwei and his followers—are actively aiding Japanese imperialism, engaging in activities that undermine the War of Resistance and the interests of the nation. They are carrying out anti-Chiang and anti-Communist campaigns, even establishing organizations like the “Anti-Communist National Salvation Alliance” in Hong Kong and Shanghai, with Wang Jingwei at the helm, aiming to set up a puppet regime subservient to Japanese imperialism. Given this rampant collaboration between Japan and domestic traitors, we must launch a national spiritual mobilization, rallying 450 million people to unite, to galvanize the spirit of total resistance, to oppose Japanese imperialism, to reject traitors—including Wang Jingwei, Trotskyists, and all their lackeys—and to support Chairman Chiang, the National Government, and the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. We must carry the war through to the bitter end, mobilizing every resource to secure final victory! How far shall we go? All the way to the Yalu River! (Applause) We must recover every inch of lost territory! (Applause) We shall not cease until our goals are achieved. Therefore, Chairman Chiang has called for the National Spiritual Mobilization, and the Communist Party of China wholeheartedly endorses his appeal and supports this initiative. Here in Yan’an, representatives from all walks of life—party, government, military, and civilian sectors; various institutions and schools—are assembled to take an oath and put into practice the principles of the National Spiritual Mobilization. Our sole purpose is to vanquish our enemies and build a new China! (Applause, followed by cries: “Unite, all the people! Support Chairman Chiang! Implement the National Spiritual Mobilization! Long live the Kuomintang! Long live the Communists! Down with Japanese imperialism! Long live the liberation of the Chinese nation!”) Thirdly, let us speak of matters concerning the nation and the people. Our nation belongs to all its citizens—workers, peasants, soldiers, students, merchants; indeed, to every patriotic person. It does not belong to the Japanese invaders, to traitors, to Wang Jingwei’s clique, or to Trotskyists. We must exclude from our national community individuals like Wang Jingwei who have betrayed the country. Nor can we tolerate those who, though not yet fully degenerate, harbor treacherous inclinations or have been spiritually captured by the enemy—if they persist in aligning themselves with Wang Jingwei, they too must be cast out. Our nation is one that has cherished independence and self-respect for millennia, standing in irreconcilable opposition to Japanese imperialism. Within our national body, only a government dedicated to resisting Japan can be legitimate; no government of collaborators shall ever be tolerated. We must defend our motherland and achieve the complete liberation of the Chinese people. Japanese imperialism encroaches upon our national independence and threatens the very existence of our people—such aggression must be repelled. Likewise, all traitors who sell out the interests of the nation and the race must be brought to justice. This is the principle of “nation above all, race above all.” (The crowd chants: “Defend the motherland! Shed the last drop of blood for its defense! Long live the liberation of the Chinese nation! Down with traitorous sell-outs!”) Fourth, to safeguard the motherland and realize the liberation of the Chinese people, we must ensure victory in the War of Resistance. The Communist Party has long maintained: “Resistance takes precedence over everything else; all other considerations must yield to it. We must mobilize every resource to secure final victory.” What does this mean? It means “military action first, victory first.” Winning battles is our sole criterion. Anything that helps us prevail, anything conducive to the war effort, we embrace and support; anything that hinders our success, that undermines the struggle, we reject and combat. We must oppose the machinations of Wang Jingwei’s followers, Trotskyists, and saboteurs—those obstinate obstructionists and conspirators alike. Anyone who seeks to undermine the resistance must be defeated! (Applause and shouts: “Resistance above all! Everything yields to resistance! Mobilize all forces! Secure final victory! Military action first!”) Fifth, to attain ultimate victory—to reach the Yalu River and reclaim all lost territories—we must unify and concentrate the thoughts, wills, and energies of the entire nation. This requires consolidating and expanding the United Front for National Resistance—a goal encapsulated in Chairman Chiang’s call for “concentrated will, concentrated strength.” All wills must converge on the objective of final victory. Can they be diverted elsewhere? Could we make peace with Japan? Absolutely not! We must strive for final victory at all costs; there is no alternative. Similarly, all our resources must be focused on the anti-Japanese front. Can they be redirected? No. Wang Jingwei attempts to channel his forces into a pro-Japanese, collaborationist camp—is that permissible? By no means! Some troublemakers, masters of division, seek to scatter rather than unite our strength—how wrong they are! Thus, all wills must be wholly devoted to achieving final victory, and all resources must be entirely concentrated on the United Front for National Resistance. Any deviation from this principle must be opposed and countered; those who defy it should be treated as traitors. (The crowd roars: “All wills to final victory! All strength to the anti-Japanese front!”) Sixth, in order to secure final victory and further strengthen the United Front for National Resistance, we must transform the national psyche, purging all that is harmful and erroneous. Selfishness, cowardice, corruption, and apathy—what do you think of these traits? (The audience responds: “Bad!”) These vices must be eradicated. Our longstanding advocacy of a hardworking, frugal work ethic reflects precisely this principle. Throughout our history, our people have cultivated a spirit of arduous struggle, which we now seek to revive. We must fundamentally overturn the prevailing attitudes of selfishness, fear of death, corruption, and listlessness that afflict so many today. Furthermore, the Party has consistently championed firm, correct political orientation. During the War of Resistance, this meant rectifying all ideological errors detrimental to the cause. Foremost among these were the treasonous ideologies propagated by Wang Jingwei’s faction and Trotskyists—views hostile to both the nation and the race—which must be corrected without fail. Other pernicious ideas likewise require correction—for example, the notion that “Marxism is not a friend of the Three Principles of the People.” Is this true? Absolutely not. As Dr. Sun Yat-sen clearly taught, “Marxism is a friend of the Three Principles of the People.” Those who contravene his instruction, claiming that the two doctrines are incompatible, are undermining the united front and opposing the aspirations of over ninety percent of the nation’s laboring masses—that is, they are acting against the very essence of our national identity. All such erroneous beliefs must be thoroughly refuted and discarded if we are to maintain a steadfast, correct political course. Such a principled stance is inseparable from a rigorous, industrious work ethic. Without a firm political direction, we cannot inspire the necessary diligence; conversely, without that diligent spirit, we cannot effectively pursue our political aims. (Applause, followed by cries: “Oppose selfishness! Oppose cowardice! Oppose corruption! Reject false ideas! Uphold a firm, correct political orientation! Practice a hardworking, frugal work ethic!”) The overarching guiding principle of the War of Resistance and nation-building is the Three Principles of the People. These principles form the political foundation of the United Front for National Resistance and are to be fully implemented in the struggle for a new China. Nationalism calls for defeating Japanese imperialism; democracy guarantees freedom to all the people; people’s livelihood ensures that everyone has clothing, food, and employment. These are excellent, indispensable goals, and we must resolutely realize them. Starting today, all citizens of China must truly embody the Three Principles of the People—not merely profess them in words but put them into practice. Many claim to believe in the Three Principles, yet, in my view, they do not genuinely hold such convictions. For instance, to embrace nationalism means to fight Japan to the bitter end, whereas some are already prepared to compromise or surrender—Wang Jingwei himself has already capitulated. To uphold democracy, one must refrain from oppressing the populace; however, certain individuals refuse to grant basic democratic rights. To champion people’s livelihood is to address the people’s needs for sustenance and shelter; yet others neglect to improve living standards. Can such individuals truly be said to adhere to the Three Principles of the People? (The crowd shouts: “No!”) Then again, can they be considered loyal disciples of Dr. Sun Yat-sen? (Another chorus of “No!”) Only those who persevere in the War of Resistance, advancing to the Yalu River and reclaiming all lost territory—remaining unyielding in their resistance and refusing to betray their country—can be regarded as genuine nationalists and faithful followers of Dr. Sun’s vision. Only those who extend democratic rights to the people—freedom of speech, publication, assembly, association—refrain from oppression, and faithfully carry out Dr. Sun’s directive to “arouse the masses”—can be deemed true believers in democracy and devoted adherents of his democratic ideals. And only those who earnestly strive to alleviate the suffering of the majority—for example, by implementing Dr. Sun’s policy of “land to the tiller,” promoting productive endeavors, and ensuring that everyone has access to adequate clothing, food, and employment—can be considered sincere devotees of the principle of people’s livelihood and loyal supporters of Dr. Sun’s social program. Comrades! Let us all become true adherents of the Three Principles of the People, worthy students of Dr. Sun. Let us avoid being hypocrites or disloyal pupils. Do not confine your commitment to mere lip service; instead, translate it into concrete action. Those who talk the talk but fail to walk the walk—I dub them “pseudo-Three-Principles adherents.” We urge all citizens to rise up and put the Three Principles into practice, becoming authentic practitioners of this doctrine. I hope that across the nation, we will collectively advance the nationalist imperative of defeating Japanese imperialism and liberating the Chinese people; promote democratic principles that empower the masses and awaken their consciousness; and champion the principle of people’s livelihood, ensuring that everyone has what they need to thrive. This, indeed, is the kind of Three Principles we urgently require today—a genuine embodiment of these ideals. Let us fight to the very end to realize this vision! (Applause and shouts: “Implement the Three Principles nationwide! Reject hypocritical, insincere adherence to the Three Principles!”) Today’s meeting, along with the broader National Spiritual Mobilization, serves precisely this purpose. In short, we must fully and sincerely embrace the Three Principles of the People! We must mobilize every resource, strive for final victory, drive the Japanese aggressors from our soil, and march all the way to the Yalu River to reclaim every inch of lost territory. Only then can we establish a brand-new Republic of China! (Warm, prolonged applause) Crowd (Chongqing), Volume III, Issue 36, June 1, 1939. Kang, Guide to the United Front for National Resistance (Part VII). Liberation Society, 1947. Political Guidelines for the National Spiritual Mobilization, March 19.
Ten years ago, the May Fourth Movement marked a new stage in China’s bourgeois democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism. Though the movement also took the form of a cultural renewal, it was ultimately an expression of this larger revolutionary process. The growth of new social forces during that period provided a powerful impetus to the revolution—the Chinese working class, the student movement, and a nascent national bourgeoisie. In contrast to the Xinhai Revolution, where only a small number of revolutionaries led the charge, the May Fourth Movement saw hundreds of thousands of students at the forefront. This distinction underscores how the May Fourth Movement represented a significant advance over the earlier Xinhai Revolution. From the Opium Wars onward, China’s bourgeois democratic revolution has progressed through several key stages: the Taiping Rebellion, the Sino-Japanese War, the Hundred Days’ Reform, the Boxer Uprising, the Xinhai Revolution, the May Fourth Movement, the Northern Expedition, and the Long March. Today’s War of Resistance constitutes another new phase in this evolution—one that is particularly monumental, vibrant, and dynamic. The revolution will be deemed successful only when external imperialist domination and internal feudal rule have been fundamentally overthrown, giving way to an independent, democratic state. Since the Opium Wars, each stage of the revolution has possessed distinct characteristics, yet all share a common bourgeois, anti-feudal nature: they are driven by private interests. This type of revolution seeks to establish a social order unprecedented in Chinese history—an egalitarian, democratic society—replacing the feudal system that had long prevailed (and more recently, a semi-colonial, semi-feudal order) with a socialist future. At any given historical juncture, however, the immediate goal remains the establishment of a democratic society. One might ask why a communist would first strive to achieve a bourgeois democratic order before pursuing socialism. The answer lies in the inevitable trajectory of historical development. The completion of China’s democratic revolution depends crucially on specific social forces: the working class, the peasantry, and the progressive intellectual class—the very same groups that constitute the core revolutionary alliance of workers, peasants, soldiers, students, and merchants. Among these, the working class represents the fundamental revolutionary force. Without this essential base, the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution cannot succeed. Today, our primary adversaries are Japanese imperialism and domestic traitors. Our central policy is the United Front for National Resistance, composed of all anti-Japanese elements among workers, peasants, intellectuals, students, and merchants. The ultimate victory in the War of Resistance hinges on the unity of these diverse forces—on their consolidation and expansion. Historically, intellectuals have often been the first to awaken to the urgency of revolutionary change. Both the Xinhai Revolution and the May Fourth Movement vividly illustrate this point. Yet, without forging close ties with the broad masses of workers and peasants, intellectual efforts alone will come to naught. The dividing line for revolutionary-minded intellectuals lies precisely in their willingness and ability to engage with the working class and peasantry. Their ultimate test is not what lofty theories they espouse, but whether they can effectively collaborate with the people. The true Three Principles of the People, grounded in Marxism, demand just such practical engagement with the masses. The May Fourth Movement has reached its tenth anniversary, while the War of Resistance is approaching its second year. Young people bear a great responsibility in shaping our cultural landscape. I urge them to grasp the true nature and driving forces of China’s revolution, to integrate their work with the lives of workers and peasants, to immerse themselves among the people, and to become active advocates and organizers on behalf of the masses. The day when the entire population rises up will coincide with the triumph of the War of Resistance. A time of great promise awaits our youth.