Question One: What is the significance and role of the Border Region within China at present?
Please explain this to us; it is of great importance that we understand it clearly.
Answer: Only by grasping the nature of the Border Region can we comprehend its significance and role in China.
What, then, is the character of this region?
In brief, it is a democratic base area for the War of Resistance against Japan.
First, among the masses, every social group has its own organizations.
Within the bounds of the principles of the War of Resistance, the people of the Border Region enjoy full freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association—whether they be workers, peasants, merchants, students, intellectuals, women, children, religious groups, or professional associations.
The Communist Party and the Border Region government actively encourage and assist these organizations, helping them to expand and flourish.
The only restrictions imposed here are on the activities of traitors to the nation; such individuals are denied all freedoms.
Second, the Border Region has become a direct theater of war.
It hosts a portion of the Eighth Route Army as well as local armed forces.
Within these military units, relations between officers and soldiers, and between the troops and the civilian population, are imbued with a democratic spirit, fostering unity between officers and men and between the army and the people.
This unity gives expression to an invincible force in the War of Resistance.
Third, education in the Border Region is likewise oriented toward both resistance and democracy, as exemplified by institutions such as the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University and the Northern Shaanxi Public School.
Fourth, economic development follows the same principle: it serves the cause of the war while operating under a democratic framework.
For instance, cooperative societies are quite advanced here, and after land redistribution, farmers engage in agricultural production according to democratic norms.
These measures have improved living standards while simultaneously bolstering the war effort.
Taxes are levied, but there are no arbitrary or excessive imposts; instead, a unified progressive tax system is in place, consistent with the overarching goals just described.
Most importantly, governments at all levels in the Border Region are elected by popular vote.
This fact refutes the claim made by some that “backward” workers and peasants are incapable of participating in an electoral process.
The results of these elections have been highly satisfactory, as anyone can readily observe.
When the people choose those they trust to administer public affairs, the work is carried out effectively—far more so than under a system of appointed officials.
Such a system proves particularly effective and mobilizing in rallying popular support for the War of Resistance.
Unlike the earlier Soviet model, the scope of suffrage and eligibility for office has been broadened: any person who opposes no other political party, is over eighteen years of age, and does not oppose the War of Resistance—whether worker, peasant, woman, intellectual, student, merchant, or property owner—has both the right to vote and to stand for election.
Taken together, these various aspects—the integration of the War of Resistance with a democratic system—have yielded remarkable results.
Under this regime, individuals of every occupation and background can bring their talents to bear, and those endowed with ability are able to demonstrate their worth.
Such is the nature and distinctive feature of the Border Region.
Once this nature and these characteristics are understood, one can appreciate the region’s broader significance and role within the country.
The entire nation should adopt this system, combining the War of Resistance with democratic governance, and strive for victory through the universal implementation of democracy.
If all the people of China enjoyed full freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association; if officers and soldiers were united throughout the armed forces, and if the military and civilian populations stood shoulder to shoulder; if education were conducted in a democratic spirit; if economic development harnessed the power of the masses and was linked to improvements in living standards; and if democratic electoral systems were established at all levels of government, accompanied by representative bodies composed of elected representatives from across society—all directed toward securing victory in the war—then final triumph over Japan would be within reach.
While democracy has long been established elsewhere in the world, it remains unrealized in China.
The role of the Border Region lies in providing a concrete example for the whole nation, demonstrating that this system is most conducive to national salvation and represents the only correct path forward.
This, therefore, constitutes the Border Region’s significance and function on a national scale.
For this system to take root throughout the country, it must first gain the genuine understanding and assent of the people.
We therefore welcome visits from all political parties, factions, and non-affiliates alike.
Many have come to observe, especially young students.
With but a few exceptions, the vast majority have expressed approval, which is a source of satisfaction.
The Border Region is part of China, governed by the central authorities like any other region; yet it differs in that it has implemented a democratic system.
It is this very distinction that we hope will spread nationwide.
At present, two misconceptions about the Border Region persist: some contend that it is entirely flawed—a view held by a small number of diehards—which is plainly false.
Others portray it as a kind of sacred paradise, devoid of any shortcomings, an equally exaggerated characterization.
The accurate assessment is this: the democratic institutions and the spirit of resistance prevailing here are exemplary and worthy of emulation and reference by the entire nation.
Nevertheless, certain limitations remain, such as material difficulties, which constrain our efforts.
Much work still lies ahead before we can achieve even greater progress.
Hence, we welcome criticism from outside, as it spurs our staff to redouble their efforts.
I extend a warm welcome to all who have kindly visited Yan’an, and I invite you to point out any shortcomings so that we may rectify them and further advance the great cause of national salvation.

Question Two: What is the current role of the CPC throughout China?
Answer: The answer is straightforward: upholding the War of Resistance, maintaining the United Front, and pursuing protracted warfare—these constitute the CPC’s fundamental principles.
It is precisely within this framework that the Party carries out its work and fulfills its functions nationwide.
What does it mean to uphold the War of Resistance?
The question often arises: compromise or steadfast resistance?
We advocate total resistance and firmly oppose any compromise.
Together with the Kuomintang, other political parties, and the entire nation, we are resolved to persevere without wavering until we have liberated all lost territory and driven the enemy back to the Yalu River.
What, then, does it mean to maintain the United Front?
It means achieving and sustaining national unity.
Only through such unity can we sustain the War of Resistance.
Although a degree of unity already exists, we must strive for even greater cohesion—not merely among a handful of parties, but among all the people of China.
Only when diverse sectors of society unite under a common organizational framework and collectively mobilize their energies for resistance can the United Front be consolidated and expanded.
And what does it mean to pursue protracted warfare?
There are currently two opposing views in China: some argue that “China will surely perish; prolonged war is futile,” while others insist that “Japan’s imperialist forces can be swiftly defeated, rendering protracted warfare unnecessary.”
Both of these positions are mistaken.
First, China will not perish.
Although Japan is powerful, it suffers from inherent weaknesses and faces numerous internal and external contradictions.
By contrast, China, though relatively weak, is a major power and possesses many favorable conditions at home and abroad.
Consequently, despite losing certain territories during the course of the war, China remains capable of enduring and ultimately emerging victorious.
However, achieving a swift victory over Japan is difficult, for even if the necessary conditions for success are present, they cannot be fully realized overnight—whether through China’s own advances, Japan’s internal collapse, or international assistance.
A lengthy campaign is thus inevitable.
Therefore, our guiding principles must be: first, unwavering resistance; second, steadfast maintenance of the United Front; third, commitment to protracted warfare.
This is precisely the work the CPC undertakes nationwide.
The Party stands ready to forge close ties with all political parties, factions, and the people at large, determined to see these principles put into practice.
This, in essence, defines the CPC’s role across the country.

Question Three: Are there any factors that could shorten the duration of this protracted war?
Answer: To accelerate the conclusion of the conflict, three key conditions must be strengthened.
The first and most fundamental is the consolidation and expansion of the United Front.
Under the banner of the United Front, all related endeavors must be vigorously advanced.
The more progress made in these areas, the sooner the war can be brought to a close.
The second condition is the growing support from within Japan itself.
Such support has already begun to emerge: Japanese soldiers increasingly refuse to fight, resorting to suicide, surrender, or distributing anti-war leaflets.
As awareness and opposition among Japanese troops and civilians deepen, the duration of the war will correspondingly diminish.
The third condition is international assistance.
We need the help of students and citizens around the world, as well as the support of foreign governments.
The more extensive and rapid this aid becomes, the sooner our war will end.
These three conditions are interrelated: if China accelerates its own progress and strengthens its unity, it will stimulate parallel developments in Japan—both among the Japanese people and in the international community.
As these external forces gain momentum, China’s own resistance capabilities will likewise intensify and advance.
By delivering a stronger blow to Japanese imperialism, we are indirectly empowering the Japanese people to intensify their own struggle for liberation.
The same principle applies globally: China’s resistance is, in essence, a contribution to the collective effort of humanity against a common adversary.
Thus, China, Japan, and all anti-fascist forces worldwide are mutually influential and supportive.
World peace is indivisible; the world is an interconnected whole—this is a defining characteristic of contemporary international politics.
The more fully these conditions are met, the sooner the war can be concluded.
This task falls not only to the CPC and other anti-Japanese factions but also to the Kuomintang, other revolutionary parties, and the entire populace.
Our struggle is indeed protracted, yet we must spare no effort to create the conditions for an early resolution.
Without these prerequisites, any talk of shortening the war remains mere wishful thinking.

Question Four: What will be the primary mission of the CPC after final victory in the War of Resistance?
Answer: Upon victory, the principal task of the Communist Party, in a single phrase, is to establish a free, equal, and democratic state.
Within this state, there will be an independent democratic government, a parliament representing the people, and a constitution tailored to the aspirations of the citizenry.
All ethnic groups within the country will enjoy equal rights, and based on the principle of equality, they will form cooperative relationships.
The economy will be developed along democratic lines, with significant advances in agriculture, industry, and commerce, managed through partnerships between the state and the people.
An eight-hour workday will be instituted; farmers will be guaranteed access to land; a unified progressive tax system will be adopted; and mutually beneficial trade agreements will be concluded with foreign nations.
Citizens will enjoy complete freedom of speech, the press, assembly, association, and religion.
The diverse talents of the people will be nurtured, science and culture will be elevated, and illiteracy will be eradicated nationwide.
The military will no longer be set apart from the people but will stand in close harmony with them.
Such a state is not socialist; nor is its government a Soviet-style administration.
Rather, it will be founded upon a thoroughgoing democratic system that respects private property.
This is the modern state that China urgently needs.
With the establishment of such a state, China will shed its status as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society and become a free, equal nation—transcending the old order to give birth to a New China.
The Communist Party calls upon all political parties and the entire population to join forces in realizing this vision.
This goal has long been cherished and ardently pursued by the Chinese people, including by Dr. Sun Yat-sen himself.
The work of building such a state did not begin only after driving the Japanese invaders to the Yalu River; rather, many of the tasks undertaken during the War of Resistance are directly relevant to this endeavor.
Nevertheless, several crucial steps can be completed only after the war’s conclusion—for example, fundamental economic reconstruction.
During the war, however, we must lay the groundwork for this new state, beginning with the expulsion of Japanese imperialism.
This mission belongs not only to the Communist Party but also to the Kuomintang and other revolutionary forces, and ultimately to the entire nation.
It is a historic task that China must fulfill.
Question Five: What do you consider to be the primary responsibilities of Chinese students and youth in the War of Resistance?
And what, in your view, should be the main tasks of students and young people worldwide engaged in the movement to aid China?
Answer: The duties of Chinese youth can be divided into general and specific categories.
The general responsibilities are the same as previously discussed: upholding the War of Resistance, maintaining the United Front, pursuing protracted warfare, expelling Japanese imperialism, and establishing a free, equal, and democratic republic.
These are shared obligations for all Chinese citizens, regardless of age or occupation.
The specific responsibilities, however, pertain to the pursuit of particular interests.
For example, improving education and learning opportunities, including the right to participate in the national salvation movement; the authority to organize student and youth groups and rescue organizations; the right to vote and stand for election for those over eighteen; the privilege of free admission to school for impoverished students; and the imperative for young people to volunteer en masse for service at the front lines.
As for the primary responsibilities of young people around the world in supporting China’s resistance, I believe the foremost step is for international student organizations to inform the vast majority of students and youth about the necessity of opposing Japan and aiding China, and to make clear that this cause aligns with their own interests.
After all, peace is indivisible, and fascist aggression poses a grave threat to global tranquility.
Moreover, students serve as a vital bridge for communication among different peoples.
Through their efforts, people of diverse backgrounds come to understand both the urgency of resisting Japanese aggression and the intrinsic connection between this struggle and their own interests.
As for concrete methods of assistance—such as disseminating information orally and in writing, urging individuals and governments to provide material support, boycotting Japanese goods, and refraining from trading with Japan—until an international anti-Japanese volunteer army can be formed and dispatched to China at an appropriate time—these are all viable approaches.
Distinguished representatives of international student organizations, your visit to China and your expressions of sympathy have deeply moved the Chinese people.
On behalf of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese nation, I extend our heartfelt gratitude to you.
We hope that upon your return, you will convey the truth about China’s great War of Resistance to students and young people worldwide.
Let us remain forever united in our struggle for a free and equal China and for lasting peace and enduring happiness for all humanity.