Question: What is the current status of the recent peace negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party?
Answer: The negotiations are still ongoing.
The most crucial issue remains the joint political program of the two parties, which serves as the basis for their cooperation.
Without a shared political platform, effective collaboration is impossible.
The principles of this program aim to accomplish the revolutionary tasks of national democracy and improving the people’s livelihood.
Specific measures concerning the reorganization of the armed forces and the transformation of the soviets will be implemented shortly.
However, thus far, the Kuomintang side has yet to present sufficient proposals.
For example, the prosecution of Shanghai’s patriotic leaders, the treatment of workers in Shanghai textile mills, and the various restrictions imposed by the National Assembly regulations have all been disappointing.

Question: Has the danger of civil war been completely eliminated?
Answer: On the surface, the crisis of civil war appears to have passed, but underlying tensions still persist, albeit to a lesser extent.
If complete peace were achieved, there would be a risk of complacency among the masses regarding the “consolidation of peace” movement.
At present, a nationwide cessation of hostilities has not yet been realized.
The Communist Party has ordered all Red Army units across the country to halt fighting, whereas Kuomintang forces continue their offensives in regions such as the Fujian–Zhejiang–Jiangxi border area, the Hubei–Henan–Anhui border region, the Hunan–Jiangxi border zone, and the Hunan–Hubei–Jiangxi frontier areas, where warfare persists.
We are urging the Kuomintang to cease these attacks.
Furthermore, the antagonism between Nanjing and local authorities continues to exist.
Only through the thorough implementation of democracy can this antagonism and the lingering threat of civil war be entirely eradicated.

Question: What is the Communist Party’s view of the various factions within the Kuomintang?
Answer: We are willing to unite with all Kuomintang members who sympathize with the national democratic revolution.
For those who do not share this sentiment, we will engage in explanatory work to help them understand and ensure that they do not obstruct the national democratic revolution.
The left-wing faction of the Kuomintang, which supports peace and democratic resistance, is gaining momentum.
They advocate for national unity, the restoration of Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People, and the reform of the Kuomintang to revive its revolutionary spirit.
Another group, however, lacks sufficient resolve and fails to fully embrace the tasks of the national democratic revolution.
They harbor doubts about cooperation with the Communist Party and are struggling internally.
Efforts are underway to persuade them to align with the people’s cause and influence their decisions.
Additionally, there exists a pro-Japanese faction within the Kuomintang that is widely unpopular throughout the country, including among many within the party itself.
Unless this group changes its stance, it will isolate itself both from the general populace and from the Kuomintang.

Question: How has the united front developed following the Xi’an Incident?
Answer: Following the Xi’an Incident, the united front has indeed made progress.
The rapprochement between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party has been the most significant development.
Other elements previously skeptical of Communist policies have also moderated their attitudes and no longer oppose cooperation with the Communists.
Moreover, opposition from the so-called “leftist” camp to the peaceful resolution of the Xi’an Incident has diminished.
Nevertheless, distrust toward the Nanjing government persists among intellectuals, students, and public opinion leaders, because Nanjing has yet to demonstrate a concrete and decisive shift away from its previous policies.
The remnants of the old regime continue to breed widespread mistrust across the nation.
We maintain that “everyone must take action.”
The thorough transformation of Nanjing depends on the sustained efforts of the entire population; it should not wait for any spontaneous change.
The prospects for the united front remain promising.
National unity is essential to achieving the goal of resistance, and this is abundantly clear.

Question: How have domestic political parties responded to the united front initiative?
Answer: With the exception of collaborators, all other parties express sympathy for the idea of national unity.
Many representatives of the bourgeoisie have welcomed and endorsed the Communist Party’s policy of peace adopted during the Xi’an Incident.
However, a stubborn minority continues to oppose this approach.
Such individuals, regardless of their subjective justifications, are effectively aiding Japanese imperialism.
According to our information, those most vehemently opposed to national unity are precisely the collaborators directly under Japanese command—for instance, Trotskyist elements serve as a clear example.
There can be no doubt that the activities of these groups constitute acts of treason.
Our strategy toward them is to expose their conspiracies as thoroughly as possible, preventing them from deceiving the public and ensuring that the entire Chinese people recognize them as enemies of the nation, so that collective action may be taken against them.

Question: How should the conflict between local warlords and the Nanjing government be resolved?
Answer: The existence of antagonism between local warlords and the Nanjing government is detrimental to external relations.
Our policy is therefore to reduce such conflicts as much as possible, aiming for greater unity in dealing with external affairs.
To achieve this goal, Nanjing and the provincial governments should move closer together, making particular progress in democratic reforms.
Only then can these divisions be overcome, paving the way for a united front against Japanese aggression.

Question: How should the issue of class struggle be appropriately addressed within the framework of the united front policy?
Answer: Class contradictions cannot be eliminated as long as the class system remains in place.
However, in the context of the War of Resistance, we must find an appropriate solution to this problem.
Accordingly, in the united front program, we propose granting the people political rights and improving their economic conditions.
Workers and peasants are subjected to both political and economic oppression, and their resistance is inevitable.
Only by providing them with democratic rights and enhancing their living standards can we mitigate these contradictions.
In our ongoing negotiations with the Kuomintang over a joint political program, we will advocate for granting workers and peasants freedom of assembly, association, and speech; universal suffrage; improved working conditions and wages for laborers; reduced rents and taxes for farmers; and legislative and other appropriate measures to address land issues.

Question: Why do you emphasize the issue of democracy?
Answer: I have discussed the relationship between democracy and the War of Resistance on numerous occasions.
Achieving national peace and unity through resistance is impossible without democracy, which is essential for consolidating genuine peace and true unity.
The War of Resistance requires the participation of the entire nation; without democracy, ordinary citizens cannot take part, and without popular participation, the resistance becomes futile.
Even military campaigns cannot guarantee victory.
Therefore, a democratic system is an indispensable prerequisite for success in the War of Resistance against Japan.
That is why we stress the importance of democracy—to defeat Japanese imperialism.

Question: How can the realization of democratic politics be promoted?
Answer: The realization of democratic politics depends on broad-based democratic movements.
Without widespread public demand and active promotion of such movements, democratic governance will not materialize.
All sectors of society and all political parties should unite to fight for democratic rights, and the military should actively support these efforts.
To save China, defeat Japan, and avert the danger of becoming a colony, we must implement democratic politics and grant the people the freedom to participate in governance.
Concrete steps include paying close attention to elections, convocations, and meetings of the National Assembly, as well as advocating for complete freedom of speech, assembly, association, publication, and patriotic salvation activities.
These constitute the minimum democratic rights.
If the entire nation moves in this direction, a unified democratic republic can be established.

Question: What is the Communist Party’s position on the current National Assembly?
Answer: Today’s National Assembly serves a defensive purpose while also acting as a bridge from dictatorship to democracy.
Therefore, the entire nation should participate in the National Assembly, and the Communist Party is prepared to do so.
However, Nanjing’s regulations concerning the election, convocation, and functions of the National Assembly are undemocratic.
Unless these are revised, the role of the National Assembly will remain extremely limited.
Consequently, the nation should jointly demand that Nanjing amend these unjust provisions.
Elections to the National Assembly should be open to all citizens, and its convocations and sessions should enjoy full freedom.
Moreover, the agenda should not be confined to discussing the constitution but should expand to include thorough and concrete deliberations on strategies for resisting Japanese aggression and saving the nation.
The Communist Party has already articulated its views on the National Assembly to the entire nation and submitted them to the Kuomintang.
Negotiations are currently ongoing with the aim of enabling the National Assembly to fulfill its democratic and anti-Japanese duties.

Question: What is the Communist Party’s stance on the release of political prisoners?
Answer: The Communist Party has long advocated for the release of political prisoners nationwide and continues to press for this demand as part of our negotiations with the Kuomintang.
If Nanjing truly intends to demonstrate a comprehensive transformation of its policies, there is no reason not to release political prisoners.
However, the Kuomintang has yet to take concrete action on this matter.
Although they have verbally pledged to release political prisoners, no actual releases have occurred, and arrests of patriots continue to take place.
The trial of Shanghai’s patriotic leaders, for example, has been deeply disappointing.
Many within the Nanjing leadership are also dissatisfied.
Nanjing must sincerely demonstrate its determination to start anew with the people: it should immediately release the seven leaders of the patriotic movement and declare them innocent.

Question: What are your thoughts on preparing for war?
Answer: No matter when Japanese imperialism launches its attack against us, we must be ready to repel it immediately.
We maintain constant readiness to respond to emergencies, regardless of when or where hostilities may break out.
That said, if Japan temporarily refrains from initiating a large-scale military offensive against China and instead adopts a more moderate policy during its preparatory phase, we should seize this opportunity to actively prepare for war.
Our concept of “preparation” differs significantly from the Kuomintang’s previous approach, which emphasized “pacifying the interior before repelling foreign invaders.”
That earlier strategy led to endless civil wars and exhausted our resistance capabilities.
By contrast, our current preparations focus on ending civil war, consolidating domestic peace, establishing democratic governance, granting the people full freedom to engage in patriotic salvation activities, mobilizing, training, and arming the populace, while simultaneously accelerating preparations across military, political, fiscal, economic, cultural, and educational fronts to counter the enemy.
The Chinese War of Resistance seeks to achieve final victory, a victory whose scope extends beyond Shanhaiguan and the Northeast to encompass the liberation of Korea and Taiwan, and even the successful overthrow of the Japanese imperial regime itself.
This is our perspective on preparing for war.
Question: How do you foresee the outcome of the Sino–Japanese War?
Answer: There are two possible outcomes.
First, China could achieve complete victory over Japanese imperialism, leading to the liberation of the Chinese nation, the success of the national united front, close unity between the people and the government, triumphs on the international peace front, and assistance from pacifist forces within Japan—all of which would pave the way for this outcome.
However, the most critical and decisive factors in securing this future lie in the Chinese people’s own unity and resolute resistance.
Without these, the prospect of victory would vanish.
The second possibility is that Japanese imperialism succeeds in its objective of turning China into its exclusive colony.
This danger does exist, but it would only materialize if the Chinese people remain divided, fail to unite, refuse to resist, or engage in weak and incomplete resistance, and fail to forge alliances with friendly nations that might come to their aid.
Should the Chinese people continue to remain passive, their homeland would indeed fall into enemy hands.
The Communist Party is striving for the first outcome—the establishment of a democratic and unified China.
Is the proposal for a national united front intended to realize this very outcome?
We call upon all parties and social classes to resolutely oppose the colonization of China, to demand China’s freedom and liberation, and to fight to the bitter end to secure these goals.
Question: What is your assessment of the recent rapprochement between Japan and the United Kingdom?
Answer: The Japanese leadership and the British Conservative government are attempting to ease their tensions and engage in compromise talks, ostensibly to advance their shared goal of sacrificing China.
The Chinese people, however, cannot allow themselves to be carved up at others’ discretion.
We must closely monitor this development.
If Nanjing shows signs of wavering or passivity in defending national interests, neither the Chinese people nor patriotic elements within the Kuomintang can afford to forgive such behavior.
At the same time, we must recognize that the current compromise between Japan and the United Kingdom regarding China lacks a solid foundation.
While compromises between nations are always possible and have existed throughout history, their timing and circumstances are strictly limited.
The United Kingdom seeks to maintain the status quo, yet the content of that status quo is highly susceptible to change, as evidenced by Britain’s gradual retreat after the Mukden Incident.
Fundamentally, Japan’s policy of exclusive control over China stands in stark contrast to Britain’s and other imperial powers’ policy of opening the door to free trade.
Nevertheless, temporary compromises on certain specific issues are conceivable, because Britain has long been capable of betraying China’s interests in pursuit of its own advantages.
Regardless of the degree of compromise reached between Japan and the United Kingdom, the Chinese people must remain vigilant at all times concerning the question of China’s national survival.
In the course of the War of Resistance, we should not place undue trust in the United Kingdom.
We need to clearly understand Britain’s true nature so as not to be deceived by it.
China cannot remain completely isolated.
Sun Yat-sen’s policy of allying with the Soviet Union retains practical political significance today.
Sino–Soviet relations should be further strengthened and improved.
The United States’ interests in the Far East are incompatible with Japan’s continental policy.
Therefore, the U.S. should not stand idly by while Britain and the British public engage in such compromises.
It is imperative to distinguish between the Conservative Party, which oscillates between the peace camp and the fascist camp in its Western European policy and has already aroused considerable discontent among the Chinese people—and the broader British public.
If the Conservative Party once again colludes with Japanese aggressors to seek compromise on China, such actions would not only provoke strong opposition from the Chinese people but would likely fail to garner sympathy from the British public either.
Organizations dedicated to the global peace movement are expanding and deepening their efforts, and preparations are underway to suppress all forms of fascism.
The Chinese liberation movement and the global liberation movement are closely linked, and our future is undoubtedly bright.
Question: What hopes do you hold for the youth of northern China?
Answer: The youth of northern China are at the forefront of the national liberation struggle.
The majority of them should unite and commit themselves wholeheartedly to the cause of national democratic revolution.
Many among them experience feelings of frustration and stagnation, which can be alleviated through collective action—namely, struggles aimed at realizing democracy and resisting Japanese aggression.
The youth of northern China should deepen their interest in pursuing improvements in people’s livelihoods and in exercising patriotic democratic freedoms, which have become central to contemporary political life.
For instance, some young people focus solely on resisting Japanese aggression without understanding the necessity of engaging in substantive democratic political action, rendering their resistance ineffective.
Meanwhile, bourgeois reformist tendencies are exerting influence over the youth of northern China, seeking to draw them away from the front lines, to transform their dynamic energy into complacency and quiet resignation, and to undermine their leadership roles in the national democratic revolution.
The youth of northern China must resolutely combat these reformist influences.
Their inclinations and impacts should be rigorously examined and completely overcome.