1937.10.06 The united front between the two parties was established as early as 1931.
Following the September 18 Incident, the Chinese Communist Party issued its famous declaration, stating that it would enter into an anti-Japanese pact under three conditions with any elements within the Kuomintang willing to cease civil war and join forces against Japan.
This was because, after the Mukden Incident, the primary task of the Chinese revolution had become resisting Japanese imperialist aggression.
However, our objectives were not yet achieved.
In August 1935, the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic called upon all political parties, factions, and compatriots nationwide to form a United Front for National Defense against Japanese imperialism.
In November of the same year, the CPC issued a resolution on establishing the Anti-Japanese National United Front.
By May 1936, the Red Army had returned from Shanxi, and both the Central Government of the Soviet Republic and the Revolutionary Military Commission again issued a statement urging the Nanjing government to end the civil war and unite in the resistance against Japan.
In August of that year, the CPC Central Committee sent a well-known letter to the KMT Central Committee, requesting an armistice and the formation of a united front between the two parties to jointly oppose Japanese imperialism.
In September, the CPC adopted a resolution calling for the establishment of a unified democratic republic in China.
Beyond these declarations, letters, and resolutions, the CPC repeatedly dispatched representatives to engage in negotiations with the KMT, yet no concrete results were obtained—until the Xi’an Incident at the end of 1936.
Only then did full-fledged representatives of the CPC reach a significant political consensus with leading KMT figures: an end to the civil war—and the peaceful resolution of the Xi’an Incident itself.
This marked a major turning point in Chinese history, laying the essential groundwork for the subsequent establishment of the united front.
On November 10, on the eve of the Third Plenary Session of the KMT Central Committee, the CPC Central Committee submitted a detailed proposal to that session aimed at concretizing the formation of the united front.
In this telegram, the CPC requested that the KMT guarantee five key points: cessation of the civil war, democratic freedoms, convening of a national assembly, swift preparations for resistance, and improvements in people’s livelihoods.
In return, the CPC pledged four commitments: abolishing the dual power structure, reorganizing the Soviet Red Army, implementing genuine democracy, and halting land confiscations.
This was an important political step; without it, the establishment of the united front would have been further delayed—an outcome highly detrimental to the urgent need for coordinated resistance.
From that point onward, negotiations between the two sides made steady progress.
Regarding the joint political program, the release of political prisoners, and the renaming of the Red Army, the CPC put forward increasingly specific proposals.
Although agreements on a common platform, the opening of mass movements, and recognition of the Soviet system have yet to be fully realized, the order renaming the Red Army as the Eighth Route Army of the National Revolutionary Army and designating it as the main force on the anti-Japanese front—the so-called Eighteenth Group Army—was issued roughly a month after the fall of Beiping and Tianjin.
Furthermore, from July 4 to July 15, the CPC Central Committee and the KMT Central Committee successively released, through the KMT’s official news agency, a joint declaration announcing the establishment of their cooperation, along with remarks by Chiang Kai-shek acknowledging the legal status of the CPC.
Though somewhat belated, these announcements were nonetheless significant, appearing on September 11, 13, and 15 amidst heightened tensions at the frontlines.
Together, the CPC’s declaration and Chiang’s remarks formally proclaimed the birth of the united front, providing the necessary foundation for the two parties’ joint effort to save the nation.
This declaration would serve not only as a guiding principle for unity between the two parties but also as a fundamental policy for the great national unity of all the Chinese people.
While Chiang’s remarks acknowledged the legitimate status of the CPC nationwide and emphasized the necessity of national unity, they still lacked a spirit of self-criticism and continued to reflect a degree of arrogance on the part of the KMT—points of dissatisfaction for us.
Nevertheless, he did declare the establishment of the united front, thereby inaugurating a new era in the history of the Chinese revolution.
This development would exert a profound and far-reaching influence on the revolution, decisively contributing to the defeat of Japanese imperialism.
The impact of the united front on the Chinese revolution has been immense since its inception in 1931, fundamentally shaped by the relationship between the CPC and the KMT.
Through their collaboration around a shared program, the two parties led the revolutionary movement initiated by Sun Yat-sen four decades earlier—a revolution that had long remained unfinished.
Within just two to three years, unprecedented achievements were attained: the establishment of the Guangdong revolutionary base and the victorious Northern Expedition.
These successes were directly attributable to the formation of the united front.
However, due to certain individuals’ failure to uphold revolutionary principles, the front ultimately collapsed as the revolution neared completion, resulting in a major setback for the Chinese revolution.
Following this collapse, power became concentrated in the hands of a single class and a single party, creating deep fissures not only between the CPC and KMT but also between the government and the people.
Exploiting these divisions, foreign aggressors were able to penetrate China, leading to one of the most tragic chapters in its history.
Now, with the reestablishment of the united front, a new phase has begun for the Chinese revolution.
Despite some lingering doubts about the historical significance and promising future of this united front—views that dismiss it as merely a temporary expedient—the course of history will carry the revolution forward to a new stage precisely through this very framework.
Whether China can emerge from such profound national and social crises will depend crucially on this united front.
Concrete evidence supporting this assertion is already evident.
First, even when the CPC first proposed the policy of the united front, it immediately won widespread popular support, as reflected in the people’s sentiments.
Following the peaceful resolution of the Xi’an Incident and the ensuing ceasefire, unprecedented unity emerged across all political parties, social groups, and military units nationwide.
Although this level of unity remains insufficient to meet the demands of the resistance—particularly regarding reconciliation between the government and the people—it has nonetheless alleviated many tensions.
Third, and most notably, there has been a nationwide mobilization for resistance.
While we cannot yet be satisfied with the current state of this resistance—despite its national scope—it remains limited to governmental efforts.
As we have repeatedly pointed out, such a restricted approach cannot hope to defeat Japanese imperialism.
Nonetheless, it has sparked a nationwide resistance movement unseen in over a century, something that could not have been achieved without the inter-party unity fostered by the united front.
If, during the initial period of the united front, the Japanese invaders could occupy Chinese territory with relatively little cost, today, any such advance would require a bloody and protracted struggle.
Given that Japan’s annual expenditure amounts to approximately 10 to 15 million yuan, if China can sustain the war for even a single year, Japan’s financial resources will be exhausted.
With expenditures projected to increase substantially in the future, such resources simply cannot be sustained indefinitely.
Fourth, there is the international dimension.
Peasants and workers worldwide who sympathize with the CPC have rallied behind the Chinese Communist Party’s call for an anti-Japanese united front.
Following the formal establishment of cooperation between the CPC and KMT, this support has grown even stronger, particularly among progressive forces in countries like India, which have actively opposed Japanese aggression and supported China’s resistance.
Based on these developments, we can confidently predict that the further evolution of the united front will lead China toward a bright and promising future.
To sum up, the historic mission of national liberation will be accomplished through the continued maturation of the united front, culminating in the overthrow of Japanese imperialism and the establishment of a unified democratic republic in China.
However, achieving such lofty goals requires more than the current state of the united front allows.
The united front must continue to develop, as the present arrangement is neither comprehensive nor robust.
Is the Anti-Japanese National United Front confined solely to the CPC and KMT?
Certainly not.
It is a broad-based national united front, with various political parties constituting only one component.
The Anti-Japanese National United Front encompasses all parties, factions, social groups, and military units—it is a united front for workers, peasants, students, intellectuals, and all patriotic compatriots.
Yet, in practice, the current united front remains largely within the confines of the two parties, leaving vast segments of the working class, peasantry, soldiers, the petty bourgeoisie, and other patriotic elements unengaged.
Their potential has not been tapped, their initiative remains untapped, and they have not been organized or armed.
The most serious consequence of this situation is the inability to secure decisive victories on the front lines.
The severe crisis gripping the northern and Jiangzhe fronts can no longer be concealed—or indeed, should no longer be concealed.
The pressing question now is how to resolve this crisis.
The only viable path lies in fulfilling Sun Yat-sen’s testament: awakening the masses.
At the time of his passing, Sun Yat-sen emphasized that only through forty years of tireless effort could this goal be achieved.
Why, then, has this imperative been consistently ignored?
Why, in the face of such a life-or-death crisis, has no decisive action been taken to implement this directive?
It is clear that repression and control stand in stark opposition to the principle of “awakening the people.”
Indeed, there is hardly a greater contradiction than attempting to suppress dissent while simultaneously advocating for popular mobilization.
A government-led, military-centric resistance campaign, as currently pursued, stands no chance of defeating Japanese imperialism.
We have repeatedly raised this alarm throughout the year, warning those in power that failure to mobilize the populace will inevitably lead to a repeat of the Abyssinian scenario.
“The current task of the Anti-Japanese National United Front,” we have argued, “lies in fully engaging the people.”
Many enlightened comrades across the country, including numerous virtuous members of the KMT, have echoed this sentiment.
Yet, the policy of repression persists unchanged.
The result is isolation between the government and the people, between the military and the populace, and even between commanders and rank-and-file soldiers.
Without the active participation of the masses, the crisis on the front lines is inevitable—it will only intensify.
So why has this repressive policy remained unaltered?
Because the unified front today still lacks a formal political program publicly announced by both parties to replace the existing regime of control.
The current framework—spanning government institutions, military systems, population policies, and fiscal measures—remains essentially unchanged from a decade ago.
Some changes have indeed occurred, notably the cessation of the civil war and the unified stance against Japan.
Since the Xi’an Incident, the landscape of Chinese politics has undergone profound transformation.
However, the old system persists, creating a mismatch between what remains static and what has evolved.
That outdated framework was designed for external compromise and internal suppression of revolutionaries; it is wholly unsuited to confronting Japanese aggression.
Its inherent weaknesses are now glaringly apparent.
While the military continues to resist, the civilian sector remains paralyzed, and the leadership shows no inclination to overhaul the entire system.
The potential dangers ahead are daunting.
To mount an effective resistance, we need a united front that is both comprehensive and robust.
This necessitates mobilizing the entire population to join the united front.
Moreover, a solid united front requires a common program—a set of guiding principles that govern the actions of all participating parties and bind them together like a strong rope, ensuring genuine solidarity among all groups.
We reject the old constraints, as they are incompatible with the demands of a national revolutionary war.
Instead, we advocate for a new framework based on the promulgation of a common program, establishing a revolutionary order capable of adapting to the realities of the resistance.
What, then, constitutes a common program?
It is the synthesis of Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People and the Ten Principles for National Salvation proposed by the CPC on August 15.
In announcing the joint declaration of cooperation between the CPC and KMT, the CPC stated: “Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People are indispensable to China today, and our party is committed to their thorough implementation.”
Some may find it curious that the CPC would embrace the KMT’s Three Principles of the People, as exemplified by certain voices in Shanghai who questioned whether communism and the Three Principles could coexist (as noted in a local publication: “Communism and the Three Principles cannot coexist”). Such skepticism reflects a superficial understanding.
Communism represents a future stage of revolutionary development, and communists today are not dreaming of immediate implementation.
Rather, they seek to fulfill the historical mandate of national and democratic revolution—a fundamental rationale underlying the CPC’s advocacy for the Anti-Japanese National United Front and a unified democratic republic.
Turning to the Three Principles themselves, they were first enshrined in the inaugural joint program formulated during the first united front ten years prior, having been unanimously adopted at the KMT’s first national congress.
Every loyal member of both the CPC and KMT had embraced them, and they had been widely practiced throughout the country.
Tragically, the united front collapsed in 1917, leading to a decade-long hiatus in the application of the Three Principles.
Nevertheless, over the ensuing decade, every policy implemented by the CPC remained fundamentally aligned with Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles and the revolutionary spirit embodied therein.
The CPC has never ceased its struggle against imperialism—a manifestation of thoroughgoing nationalism.
The Soviet-style system of people’s representative assemblies is nothing less than a profound expression of democratic rights, while the land revolution represents a resolute commitment to improving the people’s livelihoods.
As for the CPC’s decision to abolish the Soviet ban on land confiscation, we have long explained that this was not a matter of ideological preference, but rather a response to the changing class dynamics triggered by Japan’s armed invasion.
The imperative to unite all strata of society against Japanese aggression arose naturally, coinciding with global efforts to combat fascist threats and establish democratic united fronts.
Therefore, the establishment of a national and democratic united front in China is indeed essential today, serving as the basis for our advocacy of a democratic republic as an alternative to the Soviet slogan.
The land revolution advocating “to each tiller his own plot” was originally proposed by Sun Yat-sen.
Today, however, we refrain from pursuing this policy strictly in order to rally broader sections of the population against Japanese imperialism, rather than suggesting that China should neglect its land issues.
The objective reasons and timing behind this policy shift have been clearly articulated by us.
Because the CPC, grounded in Marxist principles, has consistently upheld and developed the common program of the first CPC-KMT united front—the spirit of the Three Principles—without any deviation from revolutionary ideals, the Party was able to promptly propose the national democratic united front as the sole viable solution to the existential threat posed by Japanese encroachment, tirelessly championing and implementing it even under extreme duress.
The crux of the matter, therefore, is not whether the CPC believes in or practices the Three Principles, but rather whether the KMT does.
The real challenge lies in reviving the essence of Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles nationwide and translating it into concrete policy measures—without perfunctory gestures or delays.
This is precisely the fervent prayer the CPC has offered day and night.
To this end, following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, on August 15, the CPC presented a Ten-Point Program for National Salvation.
This program aligns with both Marxist thought and the authentic revolutionary spirit of the Three Principles.
It serves as an initial roadmap for the current phase of the Chinese revolution—the Anti-Japanese National Revolutionary War—and must be implemented to prevent irreparable harm to China.
Achieving this requires the consent of the KMT, as it remains the dominant force in the country.
Without their approval, nationwide implementation is impossible.
We remain confident that wise leaders within the KMT will eventually endorse this program, for if it is rejected, the Three Principles will forever remain an empty promise, Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary spirit will never be revived, Japanese imperialism will go unchecked, and national ruin will be unavoidable.
Truly enlightened KMT members would never condone such a fate, nor would the nation as a whole stand idly by while succumbing to foreign domination.
Indeed, Chiang Kai-shek himself acknowledged in his remarks on September 13: “I believe that the driving force behind our revolution lies not in personal ambition or private opinions, sondern in the realization of the Three Principles of the People.
Especially in times of crisis, we should set aside past grievances and begin anew with all our fellow citizens, striving for unity to safeguard the nation’s survival.”
These words are entirely correct.
The urgent task before us now is to realize the Three Principles, abandon narrow, factional interests, discard outdated practices, and swiftly implement a revolutionary program aligned with their spirit—initiating a thorough renewal of both the individual and the collective.
Any further delay would be irreversible.
However, putting the Three Principles and the Ten-Point Program into practice requires appropriate tools, prompting the need for reforms in both the government and the military.
The current government remains a one-party dictatorship under the KMT, lacking the democratic character necessary for implementing the Three Principles and the Ten-Point Program.
Similarly, the military system is antiquated, rendering it incapable of effectively combating Japanese aggression.
We hold all Chinese troops, particularly those fighting on the front lines, in the highest regard.
Yet, their current equipment and training are ill-suited to the task of decisively defeating the Japanese enemy or faithfully executing a revolutionary program rooted in the Three Principles.
The lessons learned from the past three months of warfare have unequivocally demonstrated the necessity of reform.
The guiding principle should be “officers and soldiers, civilians and military personnel, united as one.”
The existing military system fundamentally violates this principle: despite the presence of brave and dedicated individuals, their potential remains stifled by archaic regulations.
It is imperative to initiate reforms without delay.
This does not mean halting hostilities to overhaul the system; rather, reforms can proceed concurrently with ongoing combat operations.
The central focus must be on transforming the military’s political ethos and ideological orientation.
A model example can be found in the White Army formed during the Russian Revolution.
Composed of both soldiers and civilians, this unit successfully executed complex missions by integrating officers and ordinary citizens under a unified command.
The key to its success lay in fostering a spirit of mutual trust and cooperation, enabling the army to overcome rigid hierarchies and achieve remarkable feats.
Conversely, the lack of a modernized military apparatus has hindered China’s ability to fully leverage the potential of its armed forces.
For instance, the Red Army, though renamed to the Eighth Route Army, still functions primarily as a guerrilla force, unable to assume the role of a conventional combatant.
Meanwhile, the so-called Eighteenth Group Army, designated as the mainstay of the anti-Japanese front, has yet to demonstrate its capacity to wage large-scale, decisive battles.
In fact, the very concept of a “group army” reflects a compromise born out of practical constraints.
The Red Army, now known as the Eighth Route Army, was initially conceived as a mobile force capable of launching surprise attacks and disrupting enemy supply lines.
Over time, however, it has evolved into a more permanent entity, taking on responsibilities such as securing strategic positions and conducting defensive operations.
While this adaptation has allowed the army to survive and adapt to changing circumstances, it has also constrained its ability to engage in large-scale, decisive engagements.
Ultimately, the absence of a truly modernized military apparatus has left the Chinese revolution vulnerable.
The nation urgently needs to rebuild its armed forces, drawing inspiration from the experiences of the past and forging a new, dynamic military capable of meeting the demands of the present era.
This proposal is dictated by the times, and many within your own ranks have already recognized its urgency.
The time has come to act.
Sun Yat-sen once resolved to transform both the political and military systems, thereby laying the foundation for the Great Revolution of 1911.
That transformative process involved relocating entire populations—replacing nine individuals from one household with nine new ones—and fundamentally reshaping the social fabric of the nation.
It was a bold undertaking, requiring not only the determination of the people but also the unwavering commitment of leaders at all levels.
Those entrusted with such responsibility must possess a profound sense of duty and a steadfast resolve to see the endeavor through to its conclusion.
They must also exhibit humility and a willingness to learn from others, recognizing that true progress arises from collaboration and mutual respect.
In this spirit, I propose the following: 1. Establish a new government—one capable of implementing revolutionary programs and initiating comprehensive military reforms nationwide. 2. Foster close, fraternal ties between the CPC and KMT, built upon a shared vision for the future and a genuine commitment to the well-being of the Chinese people. 3. Encourage all patriotic compatriots, regardless of their previous affiliations, to unite closely within the framework of CPC-KMT cooperation, embracing a spirit of solidarity and mutual support. 4. Undertake all necessary reforms to overcome existing challenges and pave the way for a brighter future.
This, indeed, is the pressing task facing the Chinese revolution today.
Successfully accomplishing this mission will undoubtedly contribute to the ultimate defeat of Japanese imperialism.
As long as we persevere, our prospects remain bright.
From the materials I personally collected in rural areas between 1917, during the Northern Expedition, and 1934, when I departed the Central Soviet Region, only the following remain: 1. The Xunwu Investigation; 2. The Xingguo Investigation; 3. Investigations conducted in Dongtang and other locations; 4. The Mukou Village Investigation; 5. The distribution of land in southwestern Jiangxi; 6. Issues related to land leasing; 7. Errors encountered in the land struggles of Jiangxi; 8. The issue of rich peasants after land redistribution in Yongxin; 9. Two early land laws; 10.
The Changgang Township Investigation; 11.
The Caixi Township Investigation.
The last two documents were published in the “Struggle Bulletin” of the Central Soviet Region, while the remaining materials have been preserved in their original form and survived the Long March without loss.
All other records, unfortunately, have been lost.
Among them, the most regrettable are the surveys conducted in spring 1917 across five counties—Changsha, Xiangtan, Xiangxiang, Hengshan, and Liling—in Hunan Province, which were destroyed due to Xu Keqiang’s rebellion.
Also lost were the investigations carried out in Ninggang and Yongxin counties on Mount Jinggang in spring 1918, following the fall of the mountain stronghold.
What remains are materials pertaining to the Central Soviet Region: the first nine documents detail the early stages of the land revolution, while the final two delve deeper into its later phases.
Though incomplete, they nonetheless offer valuable insights.
To prevent further losses, I have had copies printed for the reference of my comrades.
These constitute historical records, containing views that were prevalent at the time but have since evolved.
Mao Zedong October 6, 1937, Yan’an  Rural Investigation Liberation Press, July 1949  1937 The secret to our success in this great undertaking, summed up, lies in overcoming difficulties and maintaining close ties with the masses.
The past decade of struggle has amply demonstrated this principle, as has your recent excavation work, and it will continue to do so throughout the war.
If we can uphold these principles, we shall surely triumph over all obstacles!
Conquering natural hardships—such as navigating earth and soil—and defeating living enemies—namely, the Japanese invaders—share many similarities, yet differ significantly in numerous respects.
The latter will prove far more arduous and challenging.
Therefore, in addition to the guiding principles of overcoming difficulties and connecting with the people, the resistance must also skillfully employ strategy and tactics, effectively organize and mobilize the masses, and forge alliances with friendly forces to complement our efforts.
You already possess the spirit of overcoming difficulties and maintaining close ties with the masses.
By building upon this foundation and harnessing your ingenuity, it is entirely feasible to defeat and drive out the Japanese invaders, expelling them from Chinese territory. •