•() (1) At present, the principal enemy of the Chinese people is Japanese imperialism. Therefore, it is erroneous to regard Japanese imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek as equals; the slogan “Resist Japan, Oppose Chiang” is likewise inappropriate. (2) Under conditions where Japanese imperialism continues its aggression and the national revolutionary movement throughout the country keeps advancing, there remains the possibility that the Nationalist Central Army, either in its entirety or in large part, may join the resistance against Japan. Our general policy should be to compel Chiang to resist Japan. On the one hand, we must continue to expose all their concessions, compromises, and acts of capitulation and national humiliation; on the other, we should propose to them and demand the establishment of a united front for resisting Japan and the conclusion of an anti-Japanese agreement. We are currently informing them that the CPC Central Committee is immediately prepared to dispatch representatives or to receive representatives of the Kuomintang and of Chiang Kai-shek in the Soviet areas for the purpose of conducting negotiations. (3) Our central slogan at present remains “Cease the civil war and unite to resist Japan.” Accordingly, we must make clear that we genuinely advocate peaceful reunification, and that our position is entirely in accord with the demands of the entire Chinese people. The Communist Party of China also announces its support for the establishment of a unified democratic republic throughout China, for the convening of a national congress elected by universal suffrage, and for the formation of a unified national defense government and an anti-Japanese united army. Upon the establishment of a democratic republic for all China, the Soviet areas may become one constituent part thereof; representatives from the Soviet areas will participate in the national congress, and the Red Army will come under unified military command. It should be pointed out that the policy of “pacifying the interior before repelling the foreign aggressor” undermines peaceful reunification, and that the Nanjing Defense Conference and the National Assembly are incapable of concentrating and unifying China’s anti-Japanese forces. (4) While pursuing the policy of compelling Chiang to resist Japan, we do not abandon the prospect of forming an anti-Japanese alliance with various anti-Chiang warlords. The more effectively we can bring together the various warlord factions outside Nanjing to join the resistance against Japan, the more successfully we shall implement this policy. With regard to the Guangxi clique, we deem their anti-Japanese activities to be correct. However, we should further require them to demonstrate their sincerity in practice by, above all, granting the people all democratic rights necessary for resisting Japan and saving the nation, and by mobilizing the masses in the anti-Japanese struggle. Only in this way can they sustain and expand the anti-Japanese movement, transforming it into a powerful force. We must never relinquish our freedom to criticize their mistakes. As for the Chiang side, we should emphasize that the issue of national unity cannot possibly be resolved through civil war, and we should demand an end to the civil war and unity in resisting Japan. Any disputes between them should be submitted to a plebiscite of the entire Chinese people. (5) In dealing with the conflict between the Nanjing and Guangdong factions, we should strive to avoid adopting a stance that openly sides with one party before the eyes of the Chinese people. Before the nation, we should present ourselves as firm advocates of “ceasing the civil war and uniting to resist Japan,” as organizers and leaders of a nationwide anti-Japanese united front embracing all parties and all factions—including Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang. Such an attitude is best able to win the sympathy and support of the broad anti-Japanese populace and also facilitates our activities within Kuomintang-controlled areas.

The Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee